Lori Berenson's closing trial comments in Peru

June 20, 2001 
-- "Final Statement of Lori Berenson"
-- Distributed by Rights Action

Lori Berenson's second "trial" in Peru, on charges of collaborating with
the MRTA (Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement) rebel movement, is over. 
Her sentencing is imminent.  We reproduce below her closing statement.

Please distribute this statement widely.  In our work with the efforts
to free Lori Berenson, and with efforts to draw attention to the harsh
situation of the more than 2500 political prisoners in Peru, Rights
Action has been amazed at the integrity and courage of Lori, and believe
in her innocence.

Please also see the "what to do" information, below.

***

Lori Berenson:

I am innocent of all charges against me.  Neither of my trials, in the
civilian or military court, has proven me guilty of any crime.  The
charges against me are still based upon the hearsay of a fellow detainee
who is trying to be freed at my expense.

Since the very day of my arrest, I have been called a terrorist, a term
that has been used and abused in Peruvian society for far too many
years, mostly because of the psychological impact of a concept that
brings to mind indiscriminant violence designed to terrorize; irrational
destructive violence; deadly, senseless terror.  I am not a terrorist; I
condemn terrorism; I always have.

I feel very sad for all direct and indirect victims of violence.  The
damage to a society goes beyond the physical and psychological impact of
violence on its victims and their families.  It leaves deep wounds,
painful wounds, and it is very sad to watch a people endure it. 
Political violence harms a society because it is interconnected with the
institutionalized violence criticized by important church authorities in
the second half of the twentieth century.  El Salvador's martyred
Archbishop Oscar Romero gave his life in 1980 because of his criticism
of what he called institutionalized violence, as did Bishop Juan Gerardi
martyred in Guatemala.

Hundreds, perhaps thousands of clergy and lay workers were assassinated
for defending the poor and speaking the truth against social injustice
and the institutionalized violence of hunger and poverty that is the
horrendous daily peril of millions.

When, on March 20, I said my case has been used as a smoke screen, that
it is a political trial, it is because of the particular elements
regarding my case and also, in general, the cases of all those detained
and tried in the context of political violence.  There is a very simple
reason:  the existence of insurgent or rebel movements in Latin America
­ and many other places in the world ­ has a lot to do with social and
economic conditions.  The government responds through state policy,
albeit solely militarily or with other components, to draw attention
from these conditions.

Thousands of Peruvians have suffered persecution, detention, torture,
death as part of a state policy violating the human and fundamental
rights of its population.  After ex-President Fujimori's self-coup in
1992, constitutional law was violated by executive decrees made during a
state of emergency.  The congress and universities were closed, all
forms of social organization and opposition were prohibited.

The unconstitutional legislation included the antiterrorist laws that
destroyed due process in civilian and military courts.  But today in
Peru and throughout the world it is common knowledge that the Peruvian
state did more than violate human rights by closing democratic
institutions and stomping on labor and social rights and leaving its
people  hungry.  It is now common knowledge that behind the
unconstitutional legislation and the manipulation of public opinion
around certain issues like political violence was an extremely corrupt
government that profited from the blood and sweat of its citizens,
condemning them to live in hunger and misery.  The dictatorship
manipulated the judiciary to ensure the cover up of human rights
violations and corruption. It wasn't an issue of particular judicial
authorities, but the system itself and the legislation.

In the cases of those tried for "terrorism" or treason, they were often
condemned on the basis of hearsay and fabricated evidence.  People were
sentenced for refusing to admit guilt ­ regardless of whether or not
they were guilty.  They were condemned for not fingering others and for
rejecting the psychological and social stigma of being called a
"terrorist."  Hearsay, supposed intentions, finger pointing or lack
thereof, personal and political opinions ­ none of these constitute
proof of any crimes.

I am aware that much of the Peruvian public has a very negative image of
me, which in part is because of the anger I expressed, how aggressive I
came across, when I was illegally presented to the press in January
1996.  And I am aware how that image and those statements were
manipulated to create a monster larger than life, so that later I
personified twenty years of insurgent and state violence.  This was part
of the propaganda designed to make people forget how government policy
and corruption impoverished the Peruvian people.

As I have stated in this trial, I regret having come across as such an
angry or aggressive person, especially if it confused or offended the
Peruvian people whom I really respect and love.  The anger I showed was
the result of my indignation upon seeing not only the violation of human
rights and fundamental rights of the Peruvian people, but also the
suffering I witnessed in DINCOTE and the farce of a trial I was
undergoing. The mistreatment and outright torture of my fellow detainees
form only a short chapter of the history of torture in DINCOTE or army
bases that was a state policy.  

Even so, I think it was wrong of me to have expressed myself in that
way, so angry.  I should have said the same or similar things, but in a
calmer way.  However, I believe I was punished more for what I said.  
Not only was I given a life sentence, but also for over five years my
name and image were used as a symbol of so-called "terrorism."  The
punishment was for not cowering to the system of injustice and for
expressing my beliefs.

I am innocent of the charges against me.  Even with the limitations of
ex-President Fujimori's antiterrorism legislation that will sentence me
today, this court has not proven the contrary.

Yes, I jointly rented a house with another person, but I did not do so
with the idea or intent of doing so for the MRTA and there is no
evidence to the contrary.  Yes, I did rent an apartment later that year,
once the house had been sublet.  I rented it and lived in it as
witnesses from the apartment building have confirmed. I did not rent it
to hide anyone or for any reason related to the MRTA, and there is no
evidence to the contrary.

Yes, I did know on a social, human basis, several people who wound up
being part of, or  somehow related to the MRTA.  I knew them with other
identities and I had absolutely no reason to doubt the truth of who they
said they were.  They did not act in any way to make me think otherwise. 

Perhaps there is a cultural difference here, but it goes against my
upbringing to snoop around in someone else's belongings or covertly
visit their rooms, to interrogate them or pry into their private lives.
I had already lived in several communal environments, both in the United
States and abroad, and there is an issue of mutual respect, respect for
other's space and privacy.  One must mind one's own business.  For these
reasons, after subletting, I never went to the fourth level of the house
nor did I go into any other room that was sublet.  I never cooked for
the MRTA nor brought food upstairs.  I never led nor participated in
indoctrination courses ­ not with or without a hood.  No one has
testified to the contrary.  In fact the young people who had lived there
all  said ­ as do I ­ that they first saw me in DINCOTE or in prison.

Among my personal belongings the police found my computer, beeper, and
the cell phone I rented.   I used these things for work and recreational
purposes.  Unfortunately the books, the tapes, and my writings
"strangely" disappeared.  They would have provided concrete evidence of
studies I was conducting and the articles I was writing.  I did not
obtain any "communications equipment," beepers, or computers for the
MRTA and there is no evidence to the contrary.

I did not come to Peru to cause any harm.  I was and am interested in
Peru's history and Peru's future.  The reason I wanted to write articles
about Peru was precisely because I thought it was very important that
people in the United States and elsewhere know more about Peru.  Peru's
cultural richness should be more greatly appreciated by all.  I believe
that cultural history should be considered useful in the present and
looking toward the future.  I was seriously writing those articles.  The
editors of the magazines have confirmed it.  My notes, my interviews
with various people prove it.  I knew nothing about any supposed plan
the MRTA may have had to seize the congress.  To this day I know nothing
about such a plan or even if it existed and if it existed, I certainly
had nothing to do with it.

After hearing Miguel Rincon's testimony in this courtroom and the
reading of Pacifico Castrellon's statements at different phases of this
process, I am absolutely certain that Castrellon has told lies to save
his own skin, not simply to hide any real participation he may have had
in all of this, but especially to seek his own release by condemning
others.  His statements were the only basis of my sentence in the
military court and were the basis of the prosecutor's accusations here.

It is very common to shift responsibilities to others when trying to
secure your release.  Castrellon admitted to knowing many people who he
described in detail and pointed a finger at.  I don't know if he really
knew these people or if they even existed because the only evidence of
their existence is in Castrellon's statement.  But certainly I have
never, ever met any of the people he claims he met through me.  Such
claims are absolutely false.  Some of the contradictions between
Castrellon's statements and those of the other detainees support what
Miguel Rincon said about Castrellon in this courtroom.  When Castrellon
was asked why Rincon called him an international collaborator,
Castrellon said "Oh, that's part of their jargon, the same way he would
have considered me to be a traitor."  The concept of betrayal denoted
having belonged to or shared something with a group of people or cause.

I am innocent of the prosecutor's charges of being a member of and a
collaborator with the MRTA.  In fact, by definition one cannot be both a
member and a collaborator.  I am neither and there is no evidence to the
contrary.

I did not come to Peru to cause harm or damage to anyone or anything.  I
have always been deeply concerned with issues of poverty and social
justice, and if I was interested in Peru' history and its people, it was
with my best intentions.  When I spoke about poverty five years ago
during my press presentation, it was because the human suffering caused
by social injustice is unfair, inhumane, and downright immoral.  Poverty
in Peru has gotten worse since my detention.  Now people talk about more
sectors of poor and higher percentages of extreme poverty.  And no one
can deny this.  Not only that, politicians, the church -- everyone
speaks of it.

I have been very open and honest about this because it has been part of
my way of life for many years - I believe that when things are wrong,
one should say they are wrong.  One should speak out when faced with
injustice.  I am grateful I was raised that way, as I am also grateful
that my family continues to support and promote those social and moral
values, for all people.  I am grateful for the help of my family and
friends and especially for the presence of my parents in this courtroom
throughout this trial.

I haven't hidden my opinions or my beliefs.  I have been honest and
transparent when expressing who I am and what I think.  It has been a
tremendous honor for me to be involved in social issues for many years.
It has also been a great honor for me to work in a country like El
Salvador, work with refugees, with students, and, particularly, on the
peace process.  I have nothing to be ashamed of.  If I describe my work
in El Salvador, or say I like the music of Victor Jara, who was cruelly
assassinated by a dictatorship because of his beliefs, that does not
make me guilty of a crime.  On the contrary, I think that it makes it
clearer who I am and what I believe.  I have nothing but love for the
Latin American and Peruvian people. 

I've been in jail many years now, but I still have great hopes and I'm
still convinced that there will be a future of justice for the people of
Peru and all humanity.

Lori Berenson
June 20, 2001

***

To support efforts to free Lori, contact the Committee to Free Lori
Berenson:
110 Maryland Avenue, NE  #102
Washington, DC 20002
T: (202) 548-8480
F: (202) 544-9613
gtaylor@freelori.org
www.freelori.org

To support the humanitarian needs and human rights of all political
prisoners in Peru, send your tax-charitable contribution to "Rights
Action":

-- In United States:
1830 Connecticut Av, NW
Washington DC 20009

-- In Canada:
509 St. Clair Ave W, Box 73527
Toronto ON, Canada, M6C-1C0

***
Rights Action
416-654-2074
info@rightsaction.org
www.rightsaction.org

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