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Some tenative observations

by George Pennefather

26 September 1999 08:56 UTC


A few tentative observations on East Timorese developments.
 
It is clear that the imperialist forces that have descended on East Timor to ostensibly protect the civilian population against the pro-independence "militia" are a mere pretext for direct imperialist intervention to protect and advance the class interests of the imperialist bourgeoisie.
 
Now that the cold war period is effectively over imperialism no longer relies in the same way on the kind of regime that has ruled over Indonesia. Consequently it can suffer a facade of  East Timorese independence involving formal democratic structures.
 
Imperialism has directly intervened in East Timor in order to protect and develop its oppressive hold over the world. East Timor will be effectively another "invisible" colony of imperialism. Australian capitalism is required to do Washington's work for a variety of reasons. One of them is Beijing. If Washington was to walk into East Timor as the main player China would  become increasingly worried concerning the former's strategic intentions. China is highly sensitive to any direct intervention by Washington in that part of the world. Consequently direct military intervention by the Americans would most probably  lead to a deterioration in relations between Beijing and Washington. At a time when relations between them have already deteriorated after its intervention in Kosova and its bombing of the Chinese embassy Washington would merely reduce the options available. Some other powers in that part of the world would experience greater uneasiness with a relatively large scale American military intervention too.
 
Any direct military intervention by the US might encourage closer co-operation between Russia and China. Already these two powers have been drawing closer together in the face of the growing power of American imperialism. Direct military intervention in East Timor would only encourage Russia/ Chinese unity. Furthermore it might also lead to greater unity between these two powers and other lesser powers under the threat from an increasingly powerful interventionist Washington. Consequently Washington has to avoid making moves that would foster unity around a Russian/Chinese axis. In view of this the ideal player for the role of chief bourgeois crusader is Australia. It is an "Asian" power and has been conducting itself over the last while --before the current difficulty- within that context  rather than as a Western power within Asia.
 
Jakarta, on the other hand, if forced  could play the Asian card and thereby increase bourgeois instability in that region. This could only but upset Washington strategic plans. This is what Washington fears even though it is a highly unlikely scenario. Jakarta can play this card by making things difficult for Cosgrove in East Timor through its deployment and reactivation of --its Trojan horse-- the "militia" in East Timor. By re-activating this force it can make things so difficult for Australia as to undermine its ability to impose and maintain imperialist stability in East Timor. As the situation there deteriorates --getting increasingly messy-- Canberra would be forced to pour more and more troops into the island. This force the Australian bourgeoisie to introduce conscription. This development together with the body bags returning home could adversely impact on the Australian regime. The conditions for the emergence of a mass anti-war protests might be created. There is always the remote possibility then that East Timor could lead to growing bourgeois instability in Australia itself and the consequent radicalisation of Australian politics. Apart from all this Australia would be effectively finished as a regional power --for some time-- capable of conducting the current kind of intervention in that region. Obviously neither Canberra nor Washington would be pleased with such a state of affairs. This would significantly upset Washington's strategic plans since no longer could it hope to use Australia to serve as its lieutenant in that region. Canberra's loss of credibility would further destabilise the situation in that part of the world and correspondingly strengthen China's regional status.
 
Furthermore Washington, under such circumstances, would be forced to intervene militarily in East Timor thereby exposing its naked imperialist aggressive intentions to other powers in that region thereby prompting them to seek protection under a Russia/China umbrella. The one thing Washington does not want is a Russian/Chinese bloc that includes other Asian powers. To avoid this Washington might be prepared to hand back East Timor to Indonesia.
 
At present the main danger facing many powers in the world is the growing power of  US imperialism in the absence of an effective counterweight as the Soviet Union had been until its demise. With the Soviet "menace" gone it is becoming increasingly clear that the American "menace" is the new kid in town. It is becoming increasingly clear US imperialism, under the guise of "humanitarianism", is the new and growing danger to the freedom and sovereignty of many countries. What is now being gropingly sought is an effective counterweight to American expansionism --its new frontierism. The one thing that can unite China, Russia and Europe is their fear of an increasingly powerful US. The one thing they share in common is their growing fear of Washington. Among Washington's aims is the conduct of a strategic policy in such a way as to hinder and even prevent such a growing unity which might prove be extremely threatening to the US. In the aftermath of the cold war we are living in a period where a radical readjustment in international relations is proceeding. This readjustment introduces great uncertainty and fluidity to the world situation. This is why the waters are so muddy and will even get muddier before they settle down--if they do.
 
If Washington gets enmeshed in East Timor it can quite easily be perceived as a nakedly imperialist aggressor that must be challenged. The emergence of such a perception can quite easily lead to huge difficulties for Washington. It must be remembered too that the Indonesian control of West Timor serves as a base from which various kinds of attacks can be launched against any forces based in East Timor. This gives Indonesia a natural strategic advantage over both Australia and the United States. Even if a formal East Timorese independence is established a permanent Australian or American force may have to be permanently stationed in East Timor. This means that Indonesia depending on the situation can use West Timor as a base from which to launch attacks or sorties on either the security forces based in East Timor as a means of destabilising the situation or as a means of exerting leverage on Washington. Depending on how the  situation evolves this kind of activity can be used to make Washington look like an imperialist aggressor and even weaken its grip on Asia. Washington does not want to have to abandon its "ethical" foreign policy since it has been in the recent past quite effective at concealing its real aggressive and oppressive intentions. It has also been a useful strategic device for rally support for its actions.
 
A big problem facing Indonesia is the instability it has been experiencing against the backdrop of recent economic meltdown. In exerting any leverage this may weaken its resolve. There is always the danger that Washington can threaten Jakarta with further domestic destabilisation if attempts to use its leverage to discredit Canberra. However there are limits to such threats since Washington may fear the break up of Indonesia to its own class interests. And then under conditions where things are so bad Jakarta may believe it has little to loose.
 
Warm regards
George Pennefather
 
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