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RE: Re: Kosovo and DU
by debsian
17 January 2001 18:58 UTC
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I'm sure the list is familiar with tenc and J. Israel. I've cited
him often, as a negative example. Played a role in destroying
SDS as a prominent member of PLP. Denies totally the massacre
in Srbenica in a Australian Broadcasting Company radio debate
with David Rohde. Shows litle sign of having read standard accounts
of Srbian and Kosovar history and politics by authors like S.
Ramet, R. Thomas, T. Judah, J. Mertus, M. Sells, S. Woodward.
All around hack. About the only writer in his camp, I can respect
is D. Johnstone.
                       Michael Pugliese
--- Original Message ---
Mine Aysen Doyran <mine25.1@netzero.net> Wrote on 
Mon, 15 Jan 2001 15:12:27 -0500
 ------------------ 
I agree with Alan here. As usual, Michael Puglisie comes up with
conspiracy
theories of the kind  the United  States government and NATO
subscribe.

For what had really happened in Yugoslavia &  NATO directed war
against
Yugoslavian people, I recommend the  list members to have a look
at Jared
Israel's Boston based magazine _Emperor's Clothes_. There are
objective articles
there by Michael Chouvodovsky (?)  and other progressives who
concern themselves
with US imperialism in Yugo,  rather than with NATO based stories.

Mine

Alan Spector wrote:

> But do you agree that Clinton-Gore should be brought up on
War Crimes
> charges for what they have done to the Iraqi people?
>
> ===================================
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: "Michael Pugliese" <debsian@pacbell.net>
> To: <wsn@csf.colorado.edu>
> Sent: Monday, January 15, 2001 11:23 AM
> Subject: Re: Kosovo and DU
>
> > For Alan and others...IWPR does great work. Check out the
Chechnya and
> > Balkans Update lists there too. Now that B. Plavsic is on
trial, I
> suspexct
> > that the former Bosnian Serb leadership around madman Karazdic
is next.
> And
> > if y'all are gonna beat this dead horse about how many Kosovatrs
were
> killed
> > how come no one on the hard left brings up the 200,000 killed
(mostly
> > Bosnian Muslims and Croats by the Serb neo-fascists with
a Red-Brown
> tinge
> > ala Milosevic et. al.) during the Bosnian cinflict from the
early 90's.
> That
> > is the foreground of the later slaughter by Milosevic et.
al.
> >                                         Michael Pugliese,
just another
> > petty-boorrrjjjwwaaah liberal intelectual (with a just above
minimum wage
> > job so I'm not sure about my P.B. class location, heh...)
> >
> >
> > TRIBUNAL UPDATE 202
> >
> > Last Week in The Hague (December 4-9, 2000)
> >
> > GENERAL KRSTIC TRIAL  - Defence witness claims Mladic's intervention
> spared
> > Srebrenica an even worse fate
> >
> > KORDIC & CERKEZ TRIAL - Final witnesses called to the stand
as trial draws
> > to a close
> >
> > TUTA AND STELA CASE - Defendant pleads not guilty to amended
charges
> >
> > CROATIAN PAPERS RISK CONTEMPT CHARGES -  Croatian newspapers
warned
> against
> > publishing protected witness statements
> >
> > Tribunal Update is written by IWPR senior editor Mirko Klarin,
a leading
> > Hague court correspondent, and Vjera Bogati.
> >
> > ****************** VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: www.iwpr.net **********
> >
> > GENERAL KRSTIC TRIAL  -  Defence witness claims Mladic's
intervention
> spared
> > Srebrenica an even worse fate
> >
> > The bloodshed in Srebrenica would have been "much worse"
but for the
> > intervention of General Ratko Mladic, a defence witness in
the Krstic
> trial
> > claimed last week.
> >
> > Yugoslav army general Radovan Radinovic, appearing as a military
expert
> for
> > the defence, said the former Bosnian Serb army, VRS, commander
altered an
> > order from the entity's president Radovan Karadzic demanding
the
> > 'elimination' of the United Nations protected area.
> >
> > General Radislav Krstic, former commander of the VRS Drina
Corps, is
> charged
> > with genocide for his alleged role in the Srebrenica massacres,
which
> > claimed the lives of  at least 7,500 Bosnian Muslim men and
boys. Krstic's
> > defence team claim Mladic had taken over control of the Srebrenica
> operation
> > from the defendant before the killings started.
> >
> > Radinovic faced a difficult task disputing the analysis of
prosecution
> > military experts, United States military intelligence analyst
Richard
> Butler
> > and British Major General Richard Dannett (see Tribunal Updates
Nos. 182,
> > 185 and 186).
> >
> > The witness served as a senior officer in the former Yugoslav
People's
> Army
> > and its successor, the Yugoslav army. He taught at military
colleges and,
> > during the Bosnian war, served as an advisor to ex federal
president
> Dobrica
> > Cosic, a vocal advocate of Serbian nationalism.
> >
> > Radinovic began by challenging Butler and Dannett's claim
that the
> > Srebrenica operation - code named Krivaja 95 - was well-planned,
complex
> and
> > precisely executed. He also disputed the presence of an effective
chain of
> > command, with Krstic at its head.
> >
> > The witness said Krivaja 95 was "not a big military operation".
He
> described
> > the battle as "small in scope and of low intensity". Progress
was slow,
> > "with small losses on both sides and a very small degree
of destruction."
> >
> > The aims, according to Radinovic, were to "prevent subversive
terrorist
> > incursions by members of the 28th Division [of the Bosnia-Herzegovina
> Army],
> > which violated the protected zone", to sever links between
the Muslim
> > enclaves of Srebrenica and Zepa, and to reduce the size of
the enclave.
> >
> > These goals were achieved on July 9, 1995, Radinovic said,
when units from
> > the Drina Corps took up their planned positions on high ground
around
> > Srebrenica.
> >
> > Then "a crazy plan to capture Srebrenica crossed someone's
mind," the
> > witness said.
> >
> > Radinovic said the decision to press on into Srebrenica was
made by
> > Karadzic, who as president of Bosnian Serbs was also supreme
commander of
> > the armed forces. Radinovic's conclusion was based on an
order sent to the
> > Drina Corps forward command post on July 9, 1995, which read
"the
> President
> > of the Republic approves the continuation of the attack and
the entry of
> the
> > VRS into Srebrenica."
> >
> > Radinovic veers off at this point from the defence's basic
argument that
> > Mladic had ordered the capture of Srebrenica and had taken
over command of
> > the operation from Krstic.
> >
> > But the witness did attribute responsibility for the crimes
to the
> > politicians and the police, who were under the control of
the Bosnian Serb
> > government.
> >
> > Due to the "balance of forces" between the VRS and the BiH
Army's 28th
> > Division, no soldier had considered capturing Srebrenica,
Radinovic said.
> He
> > claimed BiH troops outnumbered the Bosnian Serb forces by
almost 3 to 1.
> >
> > "Military doctrine," Radinovic said, dictated "attackers
must
> significantly
> > outnumber defenders" in order to capture a town.
> >
> > That Srebrenica did fall, on July 11, 1995, was due more
to the failings
> of
> > the 28th Division and the BiH Army's supreme command. The
international
> > community was also partly responsible, he said.
> >
> > The 28th Division failed to defend the town effectively even
though it had
> > sufficient manpower and arms to hold out "long enough for
the
> international
> > community to get involved," Radinovic said.
> >
> > A decisive defence of the town would have forced the UN mechanism
to act,
> > Radinovic argued. He said the international community's decision
not to
> take
> > any action was "irresponsible".
> >
> > Radinovic said blame rested not only with the Dutch UN Protection
Force
> > Battalion in Srebrenica, but also with the then High Representative
Carl
> > Bildt, UN Representative Yasushi Akashi and the commander
of UN forces in
> > Bosnia, British General Rupert Smith.
> >
> > Had these officials come to Srebrenica on July 11 and 12,
1995, the
> > 'consequences' of the town's capture could have been avoided,
Radinovic
> > said.
> >
> > Radinovic did not deny the mass execution of prisoners of
war, but said
> most
> > of the casualties were the result of heavy fighting between
Drina corps
> > units and troops of the 28th BiH Army division, which were
trying to break
> > through to Tuzla.
> >
> > "The intensity of the fighting was so great," Radinovic said,
"it is
> > realistic to express the losses in the thousands, rather
than hundreds."
> >
> > He criticised VRS headquarters for failing to "register properly"
where
> BiH
> > Army soldiers were buried. Radinovic said those BiH officers
responsible
> for
> > the decision to try and break through VRS lines must have
realised what
> the
> > likely consequences would be and that they had in effect
"sacrificed the
> > 28th Division."
> >
> > That the bulk of the Drina Corps was involved in an operation
near Zepa
> was
> > "lucky", Radinovic said, otherwise the losses experienced
by those trying
> to
> > get to Tuzla "would have been even graver."
> >
> > Radinovic faced three and half days of cross-examination
by prosecutors
> last
> > week. British Major Andrew Caley led the prosecution's questioning.
> >
> > Caley immediately homed in on the directive from Karadzic,
issued in June
> > 1995. Radinovic described the directive as a "list of desirable
aims" and
> > not as a binding order governing military operations.
> >
> > In the directive, Karadzic called for "daily planned and
thought out
> combat
> > operations" to create "conditions and total insecurity, intolerability
and
> > make impossible the further survival of life of the inhabitants
in
> > Srebrenica and Zepa."
> >
> > Under pressure from the judges, Radinovic was forced to agree
with the
> > prosecutor this was a directive "to eliminate the Srebrenica
enclave."
> >
> > But Radinovic insisted Mladic, in his order (directive 7.1),
had changed
> the
> > Karadzic directive, deliberately replacing the phrase "elimination
of
> > Srebrenica" with "active military actions around the enclave"
because he
> > understood all too well what Karadzic's order could lead
to.
> >
> > "It was good that he did," said Radinovic, "because the consequences
would
> > have been much worse."
> >
> >
> > KORDIC & CERKEZ TRIAL - Final witnesses called to the stand
as trial draws
> > to a close
> >
> > The trial of Dario Kordic and Mario Cerkez, accused of crimes
against
> > Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) civilians in central Bosnia, is
finally drawing
> to
> > a close.
> >
> > Final witnesses in the 19-month long case were called last
week and
> closing
> > arguments from the prosecution and defence counsels are scheduled
for
> > December 14 and 15.
> >
> > The final prosecution witness was Halid Genjac, a member
of the
> > Bosnia-Herzegovina tripartite presidency. During the Bosnian
war, Genjac
> was
> > president of the Bosniak Muslim Party of Democratic Action,
SDA, in
> Travnik.
> >
> > "From the beginning, the HDZ [Croatian Democratic Union]
obstructed
> > municipal political life," Genjac said. "That ended in complete
blockade."
> >
> > In 1992, he said, "a kind of ultimatum" was issued demanding
Bosniaks join
> > the Croatian Defence Force, or HVO. "We stressed recognition
of the HVO
> > government would be unconstitutional. The government in Travnik
could not
> be
> > named after only one people."
> >
> > According to Genjac, the only legal institutions in the town
were the
> > municipal presidency and the executive board.
> >
> > Kordic, as former vice-president of the so-called Croatian
Community of
> > Herceg-Bosna and of the HDZ in Bosnia-Herzegovina, is charged
with making
> > the most important political decisions in central Bosnia.
> >
> > The defence claim Kordic exercised no political power. Genjac,
however,
> said
> > the local Croatian leadership in Travnik "asked or quoted
Kordic."
> >
> > Last week, the judges also accepted as evidence several documents
gleaned
> > from Croatian archives.
> >
> > Of the large volume of material submitted by the prosecution,
only 16
> > documents were accepted by the judges as meeting their strict
criteria for
> > the admission of new evidence at such a late stage in proceedings.
> >
> > The documents - HVO reports, orders and the logbook of the
HVO central
> > Bosnia command - were deemed "sufficiently significant" for
their adoption
> > at such a late stage in the trial.
> >
> > At this stage, it is difficult to assess the new evidence
presented
> because
> > not all the exhibits were read out in public and some of
the prosecution's
> > witnesses did not testify in open court.
> >
> > The new evidence includes allegations concerning Kordic's
participation at
> a
> > meeting of central Bosnia political and military leaders
in Vitez on April
> > 15, 1993 - the eve of the Lasva valley HVO offensive.
> >
> > It is alleged those at the meeting laid down plans for the
attacks against
> > Bosniaks the following day.
> >
> > Kordic's defence team called three witnesses, HVO political
and military
> > officials, to testify that the accused was not present at
the meeting and
> > that they also knew nothing of it.
> >
> > Cerkez's lawyers focused on evidence implicating the accused
in organising
> > the attack on Ahmici on April 16, 1993, which left over 100
Bosniak
> > civilians dead.
> >
> > The defence argued that reports sent by Cerkez, then commander
of the HVO
> > Vitez brigade, to his superiors about the "advances of the
HVO forces on
> > Ahmici" did not imply the defendant knew of or had responsibility
for the
> > massacre in the village.
> >
> >
> > TUTA AND STELA CASE - Defendant pleads not guilty to amended
charges
> >
> > Mladen "Tuta" Naletilic and Vinko "Stela" Martinovic pleaded
not guilty
> last
> > week to amended charges concerning their alleged abuse of
prisoners.
> >
> > The two men were accused of forcing prisoners to carry out
dangerous
> > military tasks such as transporting ammunition across front
lines and
> > drawing enemy fire.
> >
> > The charges constitute violations of the laws or customs
of war and -
> > following an amendment to the indictment relating to "dangerous
and
> > humiliating labour" - grave breaches of the Geneva Convention.
> >
> > Naletilic, former commander of the Convicts' Battalion, and
Martinovic,
> > former commander of the battalion's anti-terrorist unit,
are accused of
> > persecuting Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) in and around Mostar
in 1993 and
> > early 1994.
> >
> > The prosecution claims the defendants were responsible for
attacks on
> > civilians, illegal detention of civilians and of inhuman
treatment of
> > prisoners under their control. They are also charged with
murder, the
> forced
> > expulsion of people and theft.
> >
> > Martinovic and Naletilic pleaded not guilty to all the original
charges
> > during their initial hearings shortly after their arrival
at The Hague.
> > Croatia extradited Martinovic in August 1999 and Naletilic
in March 2000.
> >
> > Trial preparations are still underway. Pre-trial judge Patricia
Wald has
> > asked the prosecution to reduce the number of witnesses it
plans to call
> to
> > between 50 and 60 and for the prosecution and defence to
aim to present
> > their respective cases within ten weeks.
> >
> > One unresolved pre-hearing issue is the prosecution's intention
to include
> > as material evidence affidavits from witnesses scheduled
to be interviewed
> > by representatives from the prosecutor's office.
> >
> > Martinovic is demanding to be present when the witnesses
give their
> > statements, because he argues this would contribute to their
accuracy and
> > reliability.
> >
> > The start date for the trial has yet to be set. "What we
can say now is
> that
> > this chamber will tell both sides some time in March when
this trial will
> > begin," presiding judge Almiro Rodrigues said.
> >
> > The three trial judges have said on several occasions the
cases could be
> > heard by a different trial chamber due to their already pressing
workload
> > with the Srebrenica and Omarska hearings. Given the recent
announcement of
> > 27 additional temporary judges for the tribunal, a change
of chamber looks
> > even more likely.
> >
> >
> > CROATIAN PAPERS RISK CONTEMPT CHARGES - Croatian newspapers
warned against
> > publishing protected witness statements
> >
> > Two Croatian newspapers, the weekly Globus and the daily
paper Slobodna
> > Dalmacija, could face contempt of court charges following
their
> publication
> > of statements by Croatian President Stipe Mesic during a
closed tribunal
> > hearing in 1998.
> >
> > The statements were given by Mesic in April 1998 during the
trial of
> former
> > Bosnian Croat commander Tihomir Blaskic. Mesic was given
protected status
> > and allowed to give evidence in a closed session.
> >
> > On December 1, the tribunal judges which originally heard
the Blaskic
> case,
> > issued an order requesting the Croatian papers stop publishing
statements
> by
> > protected witnesses. The order warned, "any publication of
these
> statements
> > and testimonies shall expose its authors and those responsible
to be found
> > in contempt of the tribunal."
> >
> > The court also asked the Croatian authorities to take steps
to halt
> further
> > publication of the statements.
> >
> > But on December 6, Slobodna Dalmacija published another transcript
from a
> > closed court session involving the Croatian president. In
his introduction
> > to the story, the newspaper's editor- in-chief, Josip Jovic,
said he had
> > disregarded the Tribunal's order because "there is an understandable
> public
> > interest in The Hague testimony of the current head of state."
> >
> > "The institution of keeping secrets does not apply to newspapers,"
Jovic
> > added.
> >
> > The tribunal has yet to react to the Slobodna Dalmacija article.
> >
> > Tribunal spokesman Jim Landale said publication of protected
material was
> > "foolish and irresponsible". He reiterated the publication
of such
> material
> > could constitute contempt of court. "It is up to the trial
chamber to take
> > what measures it thinks necessary," Landale said, adding
this could
> include
> > summoning a person to The Hague to respond to contempt of
court charges.
> >
> > On December 7, the Croatian government said it had no information
on how
> the
> > newspapers got hold of Mesic's testimony. It said the government
did not
> > have cited minutes of Mesic's court appearance and did not
know who the
> > sources of such disclosures could be.
> >
> > Immediately after Mesic appeared at The Hague, material relating
to his
> > testimony leaked to the Croatian press. The reappearance
of stories two
> > years on, and well into Mesic's presidency, suggests the
revelations have
> > more to do with Croatian domestic politics than anything
else.
> >
> > Criticism in Croatia that the Tribunal court order amounted
to
> "censorship"
> > and "interference with the freedom of the media" met short
shrift from
> > prosecutor's office spokeswoman Florence Hartmann.
> >
> > "Publishing information given to the Tribunal through testimonies
is not a
> > problem - their content will be known to the public through
the court
> > sentences in any case," Hartmann said. "But the problem is
when a witness
> > who gave them is identified because that will affect the
readiness of
> other
> > witnesses to make a statement before the Tribunal."
> >
> > "The publication of protected witnesses' names only makes
it harder for
> > prosecutors to collect information on crimes, and hence in
establishing
> the
> > truth and administering justice."
> >
> > ****************** VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: www.iwpr.net*********
> >
> > These weekly reports, produced since 1995, detail events
and issues at the
> > International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
(ICTY) in The
> > Hague, providing an independent and comprehensive account
of the war
> crimes
> > process.
> >
> > Copyright (c) 2000 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
> >
> > Tribunal Update is produced under IWPR's Tribunal Monitoring
Project. The
> > project seeks to contribute to regional and international
understanding of
> > the war-crimes prosecution process.
> >
> > IWPR gratefully acknowledges the Swedish International Development
Agency
> > and the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office for support for
this project,
> as
> > w ell as general support from the Ford Foundation.
> >
> > Articles are available, with permission, for free republication
within the
> > region.
> >
> > The Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR) is a London-based
> independent
> > non-profit organisation supporting regional media and democratic
change.
> >
> > Lancaster House, 33 Islington High Street, London N1 9LH,
United Kingdom
> > Tel: (44 171) 713 7130 Fax: (44 171) 713 7140  E-mail info@iwpr.net
> >
> > For further information on this project and other reporting
services and
> > media programmes, as well as details for subscribing and
unsubscribing,
> > visit IWPR's Website: <www.iwpr.net>.
> >
> > Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden. Managing Editor: Yigal Chazan.
Associate
> > Editor: Gordana Igric. Assistant Editors: Alan Davis and
Heather Milner.
> > Editorial Assistant: Mirna Jancic. Kosovo Project Manager:
Llazar Semini.
> > Translation: Alban Mitrushi and others.
> >
> > The opinions expressed in "Tribunal Update" are those of
the authors and
> do
> > not necessarily represent those of the publication or of
IWPR.`
> >
> > IWPR'S TRIBUNAL UPDATE, NO. 202
> >
> >
> >
> > {#} ----------------------------------------------------+[
> trienglish ]+---
> >
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: Alan Spector <spectors@netnitco.net>
> > To: WORLD SYSTEMS NETWORK <wsn@csf.colorado.edu>
> > Date: Monday, January 15, 2001 9:05 AM
> > Subject: Re: Kosovo and DU
> >
> >
> > >Immediately just before the NATO bombing on Yugoslavia began,
the reports
> > >were that 2,000 Kosovar Albanians had been murdered over
the past two
> years
> > >and that as many as 50,000, perhaps even 100,000 were about
to be
> murdered.
> > >After the bombing, there was a massive forced displacement
of Kosovar
> > >Albanians, including the murders of an unknown number. 
Despite the best
> > >efforts of U.S. technology, including FBI forensic experts,
satellite
> > >photos, etc, current estimates of bodies found range between
600 and
> 2,000,
> > >and some of them might be Serbian victims.  Somewhere between
500 and
> 1500


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