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Re: Edward Said - American Zionism (3)
by KSamman
11 November 2000 00:23 UTC
Greetings Friends,
This is turning out to be a very productive discussion. Both
Boris Stremlin and Prof. Wagar are onto something here that
is essential to understanding the present Palestinian-Israeli
conflict. But this discussion is much more than that. The kinds
of questions they raise are relevant to a wide variety of politically
engaged scholarship, from world systems to postcolonial intellectuals.
The first point I'd like to make comes out of a joint research
project that Shoshana Lev and I are pursuing: Zionism has a
long history that was first developed NOT within European Jewry.
Indeed, the idea for the creation of a Jewish State was developed
and nourished among Bible reading Protestants beginning as early
as the Reformation, among the most anti-Jewish elements in Western
Europe. Jewish Zionists only began to develop a mythology of the
land of Israel a few centuries after it had matured among European
Christians. Hear me out please.
Informing our thesis is the argument that the imagery and symbolism
of the Holy Land was, and remains, an essential part of the Western
conception of European identity, where the Scriptures (both the New
and the Torah), Jesus' life, his crucifixion and resurrection, as well as
the lives of the twelve apostles and the tremendous outpouring of
pilgrimage literature and other artistic visual representations of the
Land called Holy, all provided "the West" with a vibrant and living
historical memory of the Holy Land.
The Land Called Holy, the need and desire to identify with it, the
feeling and belief that it is part of "our" past, solely belonging to
"us", has come to be viewed as an essential property of the "West."
The impact of this historical memory has provided the source by
which Palestine would come to be viewed not as the property of
the "Oriental Other" but as an internal property of Europe itself.
The symbolism of its sacredness in Scriptures and popular
memory (weekly Church recounting of Jesus in Jerusalem, for
example) provided the colonialist enterprise with a powerful and
convenient discourse in its ambitions in the region.
This conception of the Holy Land, moreover, is the very same
idea that Jewish activist like Herzl will appropriate centuries
later from his European Christian predecessors.
In almost all accounts, with the possible exception of a few
important studies, Zionism is usually presented as the sole
property of the Jews. As Ragina Sharif argues in her book
"Non-Jewish Zionism", most analysts portray the success story
of Zionism and the triumph of the development of the Jewish
State of Israel "to the political and diplomatic skills of Zionist
Jews, like Chaim Weizmann, Louis Brandeis or Nahum
Sokolow, who tirelessly influenced non-Jewish public figures."
Rarely is the success story ever placed in its larger context,
and rarely do we get a sense of the influences of other non-Jews
on the Zionist project itself. Long before the arrival of Theodor
Herzl's "The Jewish State", there had, according to Ragina Sharif,
already developed a very significant non-Jewish Zionist movement
within Europe which should be viewed as forming a "parallel
and not an annex to the history of Jewish Zionism."
This is highly significant, for when the time came ripe for Jews
like Herzl to propose a Jewish State and Palestine was caught
in the midst of a weak Ottoman Empire and its replacement
by the British, the idea of Israel seemed all too familiar to Europe.
The memory of the Land Called Holy and the grip it had on the
European imagination throughout the centuries played into the
fact that when the call by Jewish Zionists for the creation of the
Jewish State in Palestine appeared on the scene in the nineteenth
century it all seemed second nature.
"The very name 'Israel' is part of the Christian heritage," wrote Eytan
in 1958. "When the Jewish State," he continues, "was established
and called Israel, it did not have to explain itself." The fact that
Zionist ideas flourished in the context of European Hegemony in
general and British colonial interventions in the Middle East in
particular, has shaped and influenced this modern Jewish
reformulation of a physical, rather than a spiritual, return to Jerusalem.
These need to be seen together, not as separate phenomenon but
rather as a tightly integrated development in which the realization of
the Zionist vision to establish a colonial State was made possible.
It is our contention therefore that in order to understand Zionism
it is pertinent to locate it in this wider context and to see its discursive
properties as emanating from, and latching itself unto, this much
older imperial European legacy. I'm looking forward to continuing
this discussion further.
Khaldoun Samman
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