Habermas-Derrida 31may03 English - Machine Translation

----- Original Message -----
From: <Threehegemons@aol.com>
Sent: Saturday, June 14, 2003 3:02 PM
Subject: Re: Europe's 3D vision (fwd)

. . .snip>
> Has anyone seen an English translation of Habermas/Derrida's piece?
>

Yes, I made a machine translation, using Altavista Babelfish, see attached
file. It should give you a rough idea, even though the machine has no word
for "wiedergeburt" {="rebirth") and has other weaknesses. 
Errare technicum est.
GK





[Habermas and Derrida about future of Europe in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 
31may03 -

Machine translation to English from German using Altavista Babelfish, GK]

[the url for the German text in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung is
http://www.faz.net/s/Rub117C535CDF414415BB243B181B8B60AE/Doc~ECBE3F8FCE2D049AE808A3C8DBD3B2763~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html

see also a Google search with key words habermas derrida --- leading to info in 
various languages, GK]


Habermas and Derrida  
After the war: The wiedergeburt of Europe  
["wiedergeburt" = "rebirth", GK]

[newspaper's introduction, GK]  
31.   May   2003   the initiative was kept secret up to the last moment: On 
this Saturday, 
a group of prominent European intellectual one their conceptions publishes 31 
May 2003 
to a future European foreign policy. 
The wortfuehrer of the initiative, Juergen Habermas, justifies the European 
role in the 
world in the Frankfurt general newspaper together with Jacques Derrida, why 
straight 
came to the Iraq war, which exposed of Europe unit to a undreamt-of load test, 
now the 
suitable moment, in order to define again. In close arrangement at the same 
time 
different considerable European newspapers publish in addition supplementing 
texts: 
"Libération" from Paris will document when desired Derridas the text written 
together with 
Habermas, in which Italian "Repubblica" will express itself Umberto Eco, in the 
"new 
inhabitants of zurich newspaper" Adolf Muschg, in "El Pais" from Spain Fernando 
Savater, 
Gianni Vattimo in Italy "La Stampa" and as direct answer to Habermas Richard 
Rorty in 
the "South German newspaper". The F.A.Z. will continue the debate in the next 
days, on    
suggestion of Habermas beginning with a contribution of the German 
constitutionalist 
Dieter Grimm. 
The essay of Habermas and Derrida understands itself as counter proposal to the 
"letter of 
the eight" from 31 January, in which under guidance of Great Britain and Spain 
eight 
European Union states and European Union entry countries had stated their 
support for 
the American foreign policy. The two philosophers call against it to a renewal 
with regard 
to foreign policy of Europe, which does not get along without an attractive 
cultural 
"vision". The large anti-war demonstrations from 15 February will enter "as 
signal for the 
birth of a European public history". FAZ.NET documents the contribution of 
Habermas and 
Derrida in excerpts. 
[end of newspaper's introduction, GK]


[begin excerpts from H and D article, GK]


After the war: The wiedergeburt of Europe/of Jacques Derrida and Juergen 
Habermas 


We should not forget two data: not the day, on which the newspapers made of 
that 
loyalty stating opposite Bush report for their astonished readers, to which the 
Spanish 
Prime Minister the war-willing European governments behind the back of the 
other 
European Union colleagues had invited; but just as little 15 February 2003, 
when the 
demonstrating masses in London and Rome, Madrid and Barcelona, Berlin and Paris 
to this 
hand caper reacted. The simultaneousness of these overwhelming demonstrations - 
the 
largest since the end of the Second World War - could be received 
retrospectively as 
signal for the birth of a European public into the historical books. 
During the bleiernen months before outbreak of the Iraq war a morally obszoene 
division 
of labor had turned up the feelings. The logistic large operation of the 
inexorable military 
marching-up and the hectic activity of the humanitarian relief organizations 
interlinked 
like gear wheels precisely. The Spektakel carried out itself ungeruehrt also 
before the eyes 
of the population, who - each own initiative robbed - which would be victim. No 
doubt, the 
power of the feelings brought of Europe together citizens on the legs. But the 
war brought 
the failure of its common foreign policy long initiated at the same time to the 
Europeans 
to consciousness. As in all world the burschikose break of international law 
kindled a 
controversy over the future of the international order also in Europe. But the 
dividing 
arguments met us more deeply. 
(...) 
The future condition will give a European minister of foreign affairs to us. 
But which helps 
a new office, as long as the governments do not agree on a common policy? Also 
Fischer 
with changed office designation would remain powerless like Solana. Meanwhile 
probably 
only the core-European member states are ready to lend to the European Union 
certain 
national qualities. What do, if only these countries can agree on " a 
definition " of own 
interests? If Europe is not to fall apart, these countries must now of 
co-operation use 
intensified decided in Nice " by " the mechanism make, in order in " Europe of 
the 
different speeds " with a common outside -, safety and defense policy the 
beginning to 
make. 
A suction effect will assume that, which becomes the other members - first in 
the euro 
zone - not in the long term to extract to be able. In the context of the future 
European 
condition and can there may be no separatism. Precede is called do not exclude. 
Avant-
garde core Europe may not solidify itself to small Europe; it must be - like so 
often - the 
locomotive. 
(...) 
In this world a taper of the policy does not disburse itself on just as stupid 
as expensive 
alternative of war and peace. Europe must be weight on international level and 
throw in 
the context of the UN into the scale pan, in order to balance the hegemonialen 
university 
lateralism of the United States. On world economy summits and in the 
institutions it 
should emphasize its influence to the world trade organization, the World Bank 
and the 
International Monetary Fund with the organization of the Design of a future 
world home 
policy. 
(...) 
Are there historical experiences, traditions and achievements, which donate the 
consciousness of a together suffered and political fate which can be arranged 
together for 
European citizens? An attractive, sticking on " vision " for future Europe does 
not fall from 
the sky. Today it can be born only from disturbing feeling of the 
embarrassment. But it 
can follow from the distress of a situation, in which we are back-thrown to 
Europeans on 
us. And it must articulate itself in the wild Kakophonie a polyphonic public. 
If the topic did 
not even arrive so far at the agenda, we malfunctioned intellectual ones. 
On noncommittal one can agree easily. Us all floats the picture of peaceful, 
cooperative 
Europe interactive opened in relation to other cultures and forwards. We 
welcome Europe, 
which found exemplary solutions for two problems in the second half of the 
twentieth 
century. The European Union offers itself already today as a form " of 
governing beyond 
the national state ", which could make school in the post office-national 
constellation. Also 
the European welfare regime were exemplary long time. On the level of the 
national state 
they are today into the defensive guessed/advised. But behind the yardsticks of 
social 
justice, which they set, also a future policy of the Zaehmung of capitalism may 
not drop 
back in entgrenzten areas. Why should Europe, if it became finished with two 
problems of 
this order of magnitude, place itself not also to the further challenge to 
defend and get a 
kosmopolitische order going on the basis of international law against 
competitive drafts? 
(...) 
Today we know that many political traditions, which were invented in lights of 
its 
Naturwuechsigkeit authority heischen ", ". In contrast to this a European 
identity, which 
was born in the light of the public, would have something designing from the 
outset. But 
only from arbitrariness a designing deceives the fault of the arbitraryness. 
The political-
ethical will, which brings itself in the Hermeneutik from self communication 
processes to 
the validity, is not arbitrariness. The distinction between the inheritance, 
whom we begin, 
and who, whom we want to reject, requires just as much circumspection like the 
decision 
over the Lesart, in which we acquire it us. Historical experiences stand as a 
candidate only 
for a conscious appropriation, without which they do not attain identity screen 
end a 
strength. 
(...) 
In Europe the class differences having a lasting effect for a long time were 
experienced of 
the concerning as a fate, which could be turned away only through collective 
acting. Thus 
in the context of workers' movements and christian-social excessive quantities 
a 
solidaristisches even supply aiming at Ethos of the fight for " more social 
justice " against 
a individualistisches Ethos of the achievement justice became generally 
accepted, which 
accepts glaring social inequalities. 
Today's Europe is by the experiences the totalitarian regime of the twentieth 
century and 
by the Holocaust - which pursuit and destruction of the European Jews, into 
whom the LV 
regime involved also the societies of the conquered countries - drawn. The 
critical 
arguments over this past called the moral bases of the policy. A increased 
sensitivity for 
injuries of the personal and the physical integrity is reflected among other 
things in the 
fact that Council of Europe and European Union raised the renouncement of the 
death 
penalty on the entry condition. 
A bellizistische past involved once all European nations into bloody arguments. 
From the 
experiences of the military and mental mobilization against each other they 
drew the 
conclusion after the Second World War to develop new supranational forms of co-
operation. The success history of the European union encouraged the Europeans 
in the 
conviction that the Domestizierung of national force practice requires a mutual 
restriction 
of sovereign action clearance also on global level. 
Everyone of the large European nations experienced a bloom of imperial display 
of power 
and, what is more important in our context, which must process experience of 
the loss of 
a Imperiums. This descent experience connects itself in many cases with the 
loss of 
colonial empires. With the increasing distance from imperial rule and colonial 
history 
European powers received also the chance to take a reflexive distance from 
itself. So they 
could learn, from the perspective of the defeated ones itself in the doubts *** 
TRANSLATION ENDS HERE ***haften Rolle von Siegern wahrzunehmen, die fü r die 
Gewalt einer oktroyierten und entwurzelnden Modernisierung zur Rechenschaft 
gezogen 
werden. Das k ö nnte die Abkehr vom Eurozentrismus bef ö rdert und die 
kantische 
Hoffnung auf eine Weltinnenpolitik befl ü gelt haben.  
 
Den vollst ä ndigen Beitrag von J ü rgen Habermas und Jacques Derrida lesen Sie 
in der Frankfurter 
Allgemeinen Zeitung vom Samstag, den 31. Mai 2003.  
 
Bildmaterial: epd-bild, Lehtikuva