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Hardt-Negri's "Empire": a Marxist critique, part 3 by Louis Proyect 29 June 2001 15:49 UTC |
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Part three of "Empire" is devoted to an explanation of the new realities facing the radical movement, which--swimming bravely against the stream of academic fashion--they dub postmodernist. They also explain the crownpiece of autonomic-Marxism strategy, a clever and powerful form of proletarian resistance called "refusal to work". This plays as much of a role in their movement as 'focos' played in Guevarist guerrilla struggles in the 1960s or that the general strike played in anarcho-syndicalism. Let me hasten to add at this point that refusal to work is something entirely different than a general strike. What it is exactly--in all its glory--will be detailed momentarily, but first let us turn out attention to this thing they call postmodernism. First of all, postmodernism replaced something called modernism. Modernism is made up of three characteristics: 1. Fordism: this refers to the wage regime of such as the kind that existed in Detroit auto factories; Henry Ford's in particular, who combined relatively higher pay with brutal anti-union policies. 2. Taylorism: this refers to Frederic Taylor, the father of time-motion studies, whose views on efficiency found support not only in Detroit auto factories but in Lenin's USSR. 3. Keynesianism: Once you have the first two planks nailed down, you create deficit spending techniques, welfare state legislation, etc. in order to maintain relatively low levels of unemployment and high levels of class peace. With postmodernism, everything changes--at least this is the authors' conviction. Not only does this include the decline of basic industry such as automobile and steel production in favor of computer-based services, it also involves the re-engineering of such traditional industries as "information-based" entities. In a postmodernist factory, workers not only program machines to do work, they also participate in nodes in a global network of inter-related production and planning facilities. Whether any of this has any connection to the economic processes identified by Karl Marx is an entirely different matter. As far as one can tell, it seems that surplus value is being created in the same way it always has. Part of the problem, as is the case throughout "Empire", is the lack of solid economic data to support their arguments. In their definition of modernism, Hardt and Negri take note of the transformation of family farms into corporate industrial farms, a sign that "society became a factory." As it turns out, the reality is far more complex. The penetration of capital into agriculture took a much different form than that of the classic case of industrial production such as textiles in the 18th and 19th century, according to Richard Lewontin (Monthly Review, Jul-Aug, 1998). Not only are there still about 1.8 million independent farms in the USA today, with over 100,000 separate enterprises producing more than half of all the value of the output. "Furthermore, roughly 55 percent of farmland is now operated by owner-renters who are for the most part small producers." With the absence of such hard economic data, we are left with gossamer abstractions in "Empire," relying all too frequently on novelists like Robert Musil to buttress their points rather than graphs or charts. For everybody operating in the Marxist framework broadly speaking, except for the sectarian "Marxist-Leninist" left, the question of the industrial working class in the advanced capitalist countries remains problematic. Except for some outbursts in the late 1960s in western Europe, the period following WWII has been characterized by the sort of class peace that existed in the long expansionary period leading up to WWI. That period, of course, gave birth to "revisionism" in the social democracy while today's long expansion has generated its own kind of responses, ranging from Marcuse's Frankfurt school inspired New Leftism to the "radical democracy" of Laclau-Mouffe. In general, this involves looking to other forces besides the industrial working class, ranging from the "social movements" to the lumpen proletariat. Hardt and Negri have their own peculiar take on this question. Rather than seeing a weakened labor movement co-opted by bourgeois parties and making ideological concessions to imperialism of the sort noted by Engels in the British labor movement of his day, they see an internationalist working class on the offensive putting capital on the ropes. They write: "We can get a first hint of this determinant role of the proletariat by asking ourselves how throughout the crisis the United States was able to maintain its hegemony. The answer lies in large part, perhaps paradoxically, not in the genius of U.S. politicians or capitalists, but in the power and creativity of the U.S. proletariat. Whereas earlier, from another perspective, we posed the Vietnamese resistance as the symbolic center of the struggles, now, in terms of the paradigm shift of international capitalist command, the U.S. proletariat appears as the subjective figure that expressed most fully the desires and needs of international or multinational workers. Against the common wisdom that the U.S. proletariat is weak because of its low party and union representation with respect to Europe and elsewhere, perhaps we should see it as strong for precisely these reasons. Working-class power resides not in the representative institutions but in the antagonisms and autonomy of the workers themselves." (Empire, p. 268-269) This alleged expression of the needs of the international working class obviously is something I missed during George Bush's war against Iraq but it is entirely possible that I was napping. Also, I happen to be one of those paleo-Marxists who views low party and union representation as weakness, not strength. What gives me hope is the fighting spirit of Los Angeles janitors fighting for union recognition. Eventually that fighting spirit might be expressed on the electoral front through working class candidates running on a clear class basis. However, Hardt and Negri have and had their sights elsewhere. What they call "antagonism and autonomy" resides not in trade union struggles, but in a phenomenon they call "refusal to work." For those of us old enough to have danced to Janis Joplin, this phenomenon would be as familiar as an old pair of bell-bottom jeans. Just to make sure that everybody gets the message, this section includes an epigraph by Jerry Rubin: "The New Left sprang from … Elvis's gyrating pelvis." (Jerry Rubin was a co-leader with Abby Hoffman of the so-called "Yippie" movement that tried to fuse the new left and the counter-culture. It consisted of about a dozen publicity hounds who used to hold press conferences promoting their provocative actions on the eve of major demonstrations that poor shmucks like me passed out tens of thousands of leaflets to build. After the Vietnam war came to end, Rubin re-invented himself as a stockbroker and "networker" who hosted parties for young urban professionals looking for love and business connections. It is entirely likely that Rubin coined the term "yuppie".) So what was this "mass refusal of the disciplinary regime, which took a variety of forms" and which "was not only a negative expression but a moment of creation" but "what Nietzsche calls a transvaluation of values." This mouthful of ungainly academic prose amounts to praise of the following: --Going to live in Haight-Ashbury. --College students experimenting with LSD instead of looking for a job. --"Shiftless" African-American workers moving on "CP" (colored people's time). (Empire, p. 274) According to Hardt and Negri, these seemingly personal gestures of "refusal to work" were actually expressions of "subjectivity" that embodied "profound economic power" that mounted a serious challenge to the stability of the system. Well, what is one to say. Speaking as somebody who used to try to sell the socialist newspaper "The Militant" to barefoot people wearing tie-dyed t-shirts and smoking pot at antiwar rallies, I have to confess that my views might be overly prejudiced. So, to be fair, I will instead invoke another expert on the counter-culture whose views I share, namely Thomas Frank, publisher of "The Baffler" and author of "Commodify your Dissent", a collection of articles from this fine publication. Frank writes: "The ways in which this system are to be resisted are equally well understood and agreed-upon. The Establishment demands homogeneity; we revolt by embracing diverse, individual life-styles. It demands self-denial and rigid adherence to convention; we revolt through immediate gratification, instinct uninhibited, and liberation of the libido and the appetites. Few have put it more bluntly than Jerry Rubin did in 1970: 'Amerika says: Don't! The yippies say: Do It!' The countercultural idea is hostile to any law and every establishment. 'Whenever we see a rule, we must break it,' Rubin continued. 'Only by breaking rules do we discover who we are.' Above all rebellion consists of a sort of Nietzschean antinomianism, an automatic questioning of rules, a rejection of whatever social prescriptions we've happened to inherit. Just Do It is the whole of the law." (Commodify Your Dissent, p. 32) This pretty much encapsulates the notion of "refusal to work" put forward by Hardt and Negri. In contrast, Frank regards personal rebellion as just another empty gesture that can be exploited by the capitalist system. "Consumerism is no longer about 'conformity' but about 'difference'. Advertising teaches us not in the ways of puritanical self-denial (a bizarre notion on the face of it), but in orgiastic, never-ending self-fulfillment. It counsels not rigid adherence to the tastes of the herd but vigilant and constantly updated individualism. We consume not to fit in, but to prove, on the surface at least, that we are rock 'n' roll rebels, each one of us as rule-breaking and hierarchy-defying as our heroes of the 1960s, who now pitch cars, shoes, and beer. This imperative of endless difference is today at the heart of American capitalism, an eternal fleeing from 'sameness' that satiates our thirst for the New with such achievements of civilization as the infinite brands of identical cola, the myriad colors and irrepressible variety of the cigarette rack at 7-Eleven." (Commodity Your Dissent, p. 34) Louis Proyect Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org
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