thanks for your intellectually stimulating , historically rich and acedemically insightfull analysis on the pre and post revolutionary circumstances in Russia. as a young Phd interested in social history and historical narratives, i benefitted a lot from your post. particulary, the part of your post that mentioned the relation of trade unions to different parties of the leftist spectrum was very interesting.
peace,
Mine
>M A Jones wrote:
>Mine wrote:>>In order to understand what Lenin meant by the dictatorship of proletariat, we
>>have to understand the circumstances of Lenin's writing. to say that Lenin
>>diverted from Marx or aimed at "socialism in one country" is not enough.>Mine's digging into the political archeology of Leninism and contextualising of
>the concept of 'dictatorship of the proletariat' moves the discussion helpfully
>along.>The Bolsheviks did not only face resistance external resistance from the Whites
>and Interventionists. At the height of the Civil War, 1918-21, they faced
>opposition from the Mensheviks and Left S-Rs who were still operating legally >in
>the new Soviet Republic. How Lenin dealt with this went far in practice to decide
>the contours of the internal political settlement which framed all of >subbsequent
>Soviet history and which balanced and complemented the external settelment >which
>took place after the Rapallo Pact.>The Mensheviks remained powerful within the most organised and advanced >sections
>of the proletariat. Richard Sakwa, in his book "Soviet Communists in Power",
>described the situation in some Moscow trade unions: the Mensheviks won >elections
>to the leadership in the office workers' unions, print unions and others. The
>anarchists controlled the bakers' union. Mensheviks predominated in parts of >the
>Moscow-region chemical, tobacco and metallurgical trades. Disaffection with
>Bolshevik rule spread to the burgeoning co-operative moment where Menshevik >and
>other non-Bolshevik leftists began to be elected toleading positions in >1918-19.
>On 20 July 1918 a Moscow conference of socialists was held: the Bolsheviks >refused
>to attend and anti-Bolshevik sentiments were expressed. Next day the Cheka >raided
>the meeting (held in Co-op premises) and arrested the delegates. Among railway
>workers too, which had traditionally been Menshevik strongholds, the >Mensheviks
>staged a come-back, organised strikes, votes and petitions in favour of
>reconvening the Constituent Assembly which the Bolsheviks had disbanded in >January
>1918.>In the Civil War control of the railways was of course a crucial strategic
>consideration. Who ran the railways, controlled the whole country.>The non-Bolshevik trade unionists sought real not just formal independence >from
>the state and they consolidated their support among the rank and file by
>successfully negotiating increased wages including wages-in-kind (food,
>clothing) -- at a time when the Whites were nearing Moscow and the Soviet >power
>was fighting for its existence.>The print union (whose obvious importance needs no emphasising) remained a >centre
>of hot resistance to Bolshevik power. Elections held repeatedly in 1918 resulted
>only in more support for the Mensheviks, culminating inthe election of Martov
(>leader of the Menshvik-Internationalists who fiercely resisted the October
>Rising) as honorary president in place of Lenin.
--
Mine Aysen Doyran
PhD Student
Department of Political Science
SUNY at Albany
Nelson A. Rockefeller College
135 Western Ave.; Milne 102
Albany, NY 12222