------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
Date: Mon, 10 Nov 1997 16:00:52 +0700
To: sangkancil@malaysia.net
From: Elizabeth Wong <wkpeng@pc.jaring.my>
Subject: [sangkancil] Remembering the Dili Massacre
Reply-to: Elizabeth Wong <wkpeng@pc.jaring.my>
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November 12, 1991 marked a turning point in East Timor's pro-democracy
movement at a terrible human cost. Indonesian soldiers opened fire on unarmed
men, women and children at Dili's Santa Cruz cemetery that day and East Timor
became a major international news item overnight. In this special focus, we
feature contributions from Sonny Inbaraj, Steven Gan, Rob Wesley-Smith,
Malaysian poet Cecil Rajendra and Reverend Max B Surjadinata. A special
correspondent pays tribute to the Resistance fighters.
Remembering the Dili Massacre
SONNY INBARAJ
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It's been six years since the killings in East Timor's capital, Dili.
Indonesia's insistence that claims of atrocities against the East Timorese
were the inventions of local subversives and outside agitators was shattered
in 1991. Over 271 East Timorese were killed when Indonesian troops opened
fire on a peaceful demonstration at the Santa Cruz Cemetary in Dili on
November 12. A further 200 were feared disappeared.
The Dili massacre transformed East Timor from a non-issue to a major news
item overnight due to the presence of foreign witnesses -- journalists
masquerading as tourists, as the Indonesians later alleged. The unthinkable
had happened for the independence movement, albeit at a terrible human cost.
In the past, there have been regular reports of mass killings in East Timor,
but none has shocked the world so much as the Santa Cruz cemetery massacre,
captured on film by the courageous British cameraman, Max Stahl.
In early 1994, when John Pilger's "Death of a Nation", a documentary on East
Timor, went on air in Britain, British Telecom registered 4,000 calls a
minute from the public to the number displayed at the end.
While Western media reports of the Santa Cruz massacre were primarily aimed
at getting the truth out, official media reactions in ASEAN were muted. For
example, the Singapore Straits Times carried a report that began with 12
paragraphs from its Jakarta correspondent presenting the official Indonesian
view of events from the Foreign Ministry and the Antara news agency. No less
bland was the front page story in the Malaysian New Straits Times ("Jakarta
blames Fretilin for the killings"), despite the fact that a New Zealand
student of Malaysian origin was one of the many killed -- the only foreigner
to have died in the shootings.
Almost from the onset of the Indonesian invasion of East Timor, ASEAN member
countries arrived at a "consensus" that the matter was an "internal"
Indonesian affair. The ASEAN doctrine of non-interference in the internal
affairs of a member country prevails till today, ipso facto, allowing the
ASEAN nations to turn a blind eye to the on-going genocide of the Timorese
people. Sadly, the ASEAN press seems to be toeing this line.
The most common argument used by the ASEAN media against advocating
independence for East Timor, is that the Indonesian republic will
disintegrate should the territory be free -- thus posing severe security
problems in the region. This argument, by itself, is basically flawed.
As Newcastle University's Dr George Aditjondro has pointed out, the last 21
years since the annexation of East Timor has also seen the opposite trend of
the disintegration fear. The world saw the unification of Vietnam and,
ironically, the annexation of East Timor was partly triggered by that
unification. With the end of the Cold War, we have also seen the unification
of Germany. In fact, the collapse of the Berlin Wall was one factor that
ended the Cold War, apart from Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. In our
part of the world, we see young Korean people yearning for the reunification
of the Korean peninsula. Likewise, Irish people all over the world are also
yearning for the unification of Ireland, outside the United Kingdom.
"If the premise is true that Indonesia will collapse if East Timor is
independent, then something must be fundamentally wrong with the Indonesian
republic. And if it is really true that Indonesia's unity is shaky, is it
fair that the East Timorese people be blamed and punished for it?" asks Dr
Aditjondro.
This involves a serious question of value and judgment about federalism and
independence or centralisation of state power. Each case has to be looked at
on its merits.
Unfortunately, the ASEAN media does not see things in this manner. The
fixation with the so-called "ASEAN unity" makes them turn a blind eye to East
Timor -- a human rights emergency and a security concern in their own
backyard.
This crude aspect of ASEAN media management came across quite clearly when
the the second Asia-Pacific Conference on East Timor (Apcet II) in Kuala
Lumpur, last November, was disrupted by a Malaysian government-sponsored mob.
Foreign and local journalists were arrested by the police together with local
activists and academics who were at Apcet II.
Because of an order by the Home Ministry instructing editors to black out all
coverage of the conference, some Malaysian newspapers even denied that their
journalists were arrested and detained in a Kuala Lumpur police lock-up.
A newspaper in ASEAN, for that matter, that chooses to feature, for instance,
the Indonesian armed forces' violence against their own citizenry and the
Timorese people would elicit flak from the domestic government, business and
organised right-wing think-tanks. Also, they might be looked upon with
disfavour by the corporate community supporting the Suharto regime (Including
advertisers) for indulging in such a quixotic interest and crusade. They
would tend to stand alone in ASEAN in focussing on victims that, from the
standpoint of the prevailing ASEAN "consensus", are unworthy of any media
coverage.
ASEAN, indeed, holds the key, together with the United Nations, both in terms
of facilitating the talks process and providing long-term guarantees for
peace in East Timor. For one, the foreign policies of the East Timorese
political parties favour full membership of ASEAN.
Unfortunately, when it comes to the question of East Timor, ASEAN responds by
the principle of speak no evil and see no evil. One of the so-called
strengths of ASEAN is to avoid questions which might embarrass incumbent
regimes. Because of this, East Timor has never been discussed. This so-called
ASEAN solidarity is a sad and pathetic reflection of sanctioning the
neo-colonial occupation of East Timor.
The so-called "ASEAN way" in building a new security order in the
Asia-Pacific region is through security dialogue in the ASEAN Regional Forum
(ARF). The big question is if contentions issues, like East Timor, are not
discussed, can the ARF ever evolve beyond consultations and dialogue to
"preserve peace and growth in the Asia-Pacific?"
Are ASEAN states suspicious of a comprehensive security agenda that blurs the
distinction between external and internal security by encouraging a dialogue
that includes issues of human rights and democracy along with issues of arms
control and regional power balance?
At this juncture, it is important to point out that the policy positions of
any one ASEAN government with regard to East Timor does not necessarily
reflect the opinions and positions of the citizens of their countries.
ASEAN governments argue, as so-called representatives of the people, that
they possess the sole right to make decisions on human rights and security
issues based on the history and culture of the people, often deriding the
opinions of NGOs and people's organisations. But NGOs and people's
organisations in ASEAN are often more representative of ordinary people than
their non-democratic and authoritarian governments.
And the media in the region has to realise this, instead of viewing NGOs with
suspicion. There is a people's dimension to security which transcends mere
reporting on arms purchases and exaggerated external security threats coming
from China.
Towards this end, the media must play a more pro-active role in order to see
peace come to East Timor.
However, it is pathetic that the Fourth Estate in ASEAN is not really digging
up the dirt on the Suharto regime and its designs on East Timor. Rather than
pursuing the violators of human rights in the territory, much of ASEAN's
media seem content simply to follow those doing the pursuing, namely the
international press and the wire services. And because of this, there is
little or no original reporting on East Timor coming from the region.
This is disturbing because the stock Indonesian response is that if the
liberal press was gagged or fell in line with the Indonesian/ASEAN consensus,
then the East Timor problem would be forgotten by the world. Sadly, the ASEAN
press seems to be toeing this line.
If movement towards durable peace is to begin in East Timor, the starting
point must be the development of incentives for parties in the conflict to
stop the war. Foremost is disarmament and the complete withdrawal of all
Indonesian troops from the territory.
Nobel Peace laureate Jose Ramos-Horta recently has called for the cessation
of all armed activity in East Timor.
"The twenty-two-year-old conflict in East Timor can come to an end if the two
main parties engaged in armed violence in the territory are inspired by the
higher interest of peace and the well-being of the people," he said.
"In this context, I wish to make a most emphatic appeal to the Resistance
leaders in East Timor, the freedom fighters in the mountains, the clandestine
network, the youths and students, as well as to all those who are directly or
indirectly involved in this noble struggle to resist any temptation to engage
in armed violence.
"The Resistance, if it is to serve its own cause and purpose, must observe a
complete cessation of all armed activity that can give rise to Indonesia's
use of force."
Noble words, indeed, from a man of peace.
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The AustralAsian, Nov 7- Nov 21, 1997
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FIGHTING FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
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