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Tora Bora: Major Error, George W. Error, George Father Error, John M. Error and the art of permutation by Tausch, Arno 17 April 2002 14:21 UTC |
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U.S. Concludes Bin Laden Escaped at Tora Bora Fight Failure to Send Troops in Pursuit Termed Major Error By Barton Gellman and Thomas E. Ricks Washington Post Staff Writers Wednesday, April 17, 2002; Page A01 The Bush administration has concluded that Osama bin Laden was present during the battle for Tora Bora late last year and that failure to commit U.S. ground troops to hunt him was its gravest error in the war against al Qaeda, according to civilian and military officials with first-hand knowledge. Intelligence officials have assembled what they believe to be decisive evidence, from contemporary and subsequent interrogations and intercepted communications, that bin Laden began the battle of Tora Bora inside the cave complex along Afghanistan's mountainous eastern border. Though there remains a remote chance that he died there, the intelligence community is persuaded that bin Laden slipped away in the first 10 days of December. After-action reviews, conducted privately inside and outside the military chain of command, describe the episode as a significant defeat for the United States. A common view among those interviewed outside the U.S. Central Command is that Army Gen. Tommy R. Franks, the war's operational commander, misjudged the interests of putative Afghan allies and let pass the best chance to capture or kill al Qaeda's leader. Without professing second thoughts about Tora Bora, Franks has changed his approach fundamentally in subsequent battles, using Americans on the ground as first-line combat units. In the fight for Tora Bora, corrupt local militias did not live up to promises to seal off the mountain redoubt, and some colluded in the escape of fleeing al Qaeda fighters. Franks did not perceive the setbacks soon enough, some officials said, because he ran the war from Tampa with no commander on the scene above the rank of lieutenant colonel. The first Americans did not arrive until three days into the fighting. "No one had the big picture," one defense official said. The Bush administration has never acknowledged that bin Laden slipped through the cordon ostensibly placed around Tora Bora as U.S. aircraft began bombing on Nov. 30. Until now it was not known publicly whether the al Qaeda leader was present on the battlefield. But inside the government there is little controversy on the subject. Captured al Qaeda fighters, interviewed separately, gave consistent accounts describing an address by bin Laden around Dec. 3 to mujaheddin, or holy warriors, dug into the warren of caves and tunnels built as a redoubt against Soviet invaders in the 1980s. One official said "we had a good piece of sigint," or signals intelligence, confirming those reports. "I don't think you can ever say with certainty, but we did conclude he was there, and that conclusion has strengthened with time," said another official, giving an authoritative account of the intelligence consensus. "We have high confidence that he was there, and also high confidence, but not as high, that he got out. We have several accounts of that from people who are in detention, al Qaeda people who were free at the time and are not free now." Franks continues to dissent from that analysis. Rear Adm. Craig Quigley, his chief spokesman, acknowledged the dominant view outside Tampa but said the general is unpersuaded. "We have never seen anything that was convincing to us at all that Osama bin Laden was present at any stage of Tora Bora -- before, during or after," Quigley said. "I know you've got voices in the intelligence community that are taking a different view, but I just wanted you to know our view as well." "Truth is hard to come by in Afghanistan," Quigley said, and for confidence on bin Laden's whereabouts "you need to see some sort of physical concrete proof." Franks has told subordinates that it was vital at the Tora Bora battle, among the first to include allies from Afghanistan's Pashtun majority, to take a supporting role and "not just push them aside and take over because we were America," according to Quigley. "Our relationship with the Afghans in the south and east was entirely different at that point in the war," he said. "It's no secret that we had a much more mature relationship with the Northern Alliance fighters." Franks, he added, "still thinks that the process he followed of helping the anti-Taliban forces around Tora Bora, to make sure it was crystal clear to them that we were not there to conquer their country . . . was absolutely the right thing to do." With the collapse of the Afghan cordon around Tora Bora, and the decision to hold back U.S. troops from the Army's 10th Mountain Division, Pakistan stepped in. The government of President Pervez Musharraf moved thousands of troops to his border with Afghanistan and intercepted about 300 of the estimated 1,000 al Qaeda fighters who escaped Tora Bora. U.S. officials said close to half of the detainees now held at the U.S. base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, were turned over by the Pakistani government. Those successes included none of the top al Qaeda leaders at Tora Bora, officials acknowledged. Of the dozen senior leaders identified by the U.S. government, two are now accounted for -- Muhammad Atef, believed dead in a Hellfire missile attack, and Abu Zubaida, taken into custody late last month. But "most of the people we have been authorized to kill are still breathing," said an official directly involved in the pursuit, and several of them were at Tora Bora. The predominant view among the analysts is that bin Laden is alive, but knowledgeable officials said they cannot rule out the possibility that he died at Tora Bora or afterward. Some analysts believe bin Laden is seriously ill and under the medical care of his second-in-command, Ayman Zawahiri, an Egyptian-trained physician. One of the theories, none supported by firm evidence, is that he has Marfan syndrome, a congenital disorder of some people with bin Laden's tall, slender body type that puts them at increased risk of heart attack or stroke. The minority of U.S. officials who argue that bin Laden is probably dead note that four months have passed since any credible trace of him has surfaced in intelligence collection. Those who argue that he is probably alive note that monitoring of a proven network of bin Laden contacts has turned up no evidence of reaction to his death. If he had died, surely there would have been some detectable echo within this network, these officials argue. In public, the Bush administration acknowledges no regret about its prosecution of Tora Bora. One official spokesman, declining to be named, described questions about the battle as "navel-gazing" and said the national security team is "too busy for that." He added, "We leave that to you guys in the press." But some policymakers and operational officers spoke in frustrated and even profane terms of what they called an opportunity missed. "We [messed] up by not getting into Tora Bora sooner and letting the Afghans do all the work," said a senior official with direct responsibilities in counterterrorism. "Clearly a decision point came when we started bombing Tora Bora and we decided just to bomb, because that's when he escaped. . . . We didn't put U.S. forces on the ground, despite all the brave talk, and that is what we have had to change since then." When al Qaeda forces began concentrating again in February, south of the town of Gardez, Franks moved in thousands of U.S. troops from the 101st Airborne Division and the 10th Mountain Division. In the battle of Shahikot in early March -- also known as Operation Anaconda -- the United States let Afghan allies attack first. But when that offensive stalled, American infantry units took it up. Another change since Tora Bora, with no immediate prospect of finding bin Laden, is that President Bush has stopped proclaiming the goal of taking him "dead or alive" and now avoids previous references to the al Qaeda founder as public enemy number one. In an interview with The Washington Post in late December, Bush displayed a scorecard of al Qaeda leaders on which he had drawn the letter X through the faces of those thought dead. By last month, Bush began saying that continued public focus on individual terrorists, including bin Laden, meant that "people don't understand the scope of the mission." "Terror is bigger than one person," Bush said March 14. "He's a person that's now been marginalized." The president said bin Laden had "met his match" and "may even be dead," and added: "I truly am not that concerned about him." Top advisers now assert that the al Qaeda leader's fate should be no measure of U.S. success in the war. "The goal there was never after specific individuals," Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said last week. "It was to disrupt the terrorists." Said Quigley at the Central Command: "There's no question that Osama bin Laden is the head of al Qaeda, and it's always a good thing to get rid of the head of an organization if your goal is to do it harm. So would we like to get bin Laden? You bet, but al Qaeda would still exist as an organization if we got him tomorrow." At least since the 1980s, the U.S. military has made a point of avoiding open declaration of intent to capture or kill individual enemies. Such assignments cannot be carried out with confidence, and if acknowledged they increase the stature of an enemy leader who survives. After-action disclosures have made clear, nonetheless, that finding Manuel Noriega during the Panama invasion of 1989 and Saddam Hussein in the 1991 Persian Gulf War were among the top priorities of the armed forces. The same holds true now, high-ranking officials said in interviews on condition that they not be named. "Of course bin Laden is crucial," one said. In Britain, Armed Forces Minister Adam Ingram told BBC radio yesterday that bin Laden's capture "remains one of the prime objectives" of the war. Staff researcher Robert Thomason contributed to this report. © 2002 The Washington Post Company THE WAR ON FREEDOM U.S. COMPLICITY IN 9-11 AND THE NEW IMPERIALISM © Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed, January 2002 Executive Director Institute for Policy Research & Development Suite 414, 91 Western Road, Brighton, East Sussex, BN1 2NW policyresearch@mediamonitors.org U.S. national security expert John Trento noted that although the FBI had "wanted to investigate these guys... they weren't permitted to." Yet he also observes that WAMY have "had connections to Osama Bin Laden's people" as well as other "groups that have terrorist connections." Furthermore, they "fit the pattern of groups that the Saudi royal family and Saudi community of princes - the 20,000 princes - have funded who've engaged in terrorist activity. Now, do I know that WAMY has done anything that's illegal? No, I don't know that. Do I know that as far back as 1996 the FBI was very concerned about this organisation? I do." The London Guardian observed that the FBI had investigated "two of Osama bin Laden's relatives" as well as WAMY, but closed its files on them due to high-level constraints in 1996 "before any conclusions could be reached." BBC Newsnight's Gregory Palast further reported other high-level blocks on FBI investigations into Bin Laden-related terror connections, based on what appear to be attempts to protect U.S. corporate interests: "The younger Bush made his first million 20 years ago with an oil company partly funded by Salem Bin Laden's chief U.S. representative... "Young George also received fees as director of a subsidiary of Carlyle Corporation, a little known private company which has, in just a few years of its founding, become one of Americas biggest defence contractors. His father, Bush Senior, is also a paid advisor. And what became embarrassing was the revelation that the Bin Ladens held a stake in Carlyle, sold just after September 11... I received a phone call from a high-placed member of a U.S. intelligence agency. He tells me that while there's always been constraints on investigating Saudis, under George Bush it's gotten much worse. After the elections, the agencies were told to 'back off' investigating the Bin Ladens and Saudi royals, and that angered agents... FBI headquarters told us they could not comment on our findings." The London Guardian elaborated that: "FBI and military intelligence officials in Washington say they were prevented for political reasons from carrying out full investigations into members of the Bin Laden family in the U.S. before the terrorist attacks of September 11... "U.S. intelligence agencies have come under criticism for their wholesale failure to predict the catastrophe at the World Trade Centre. But some are complaining that their hands were tied... High-placed intelligence sources in Washington told the Guardian this week: 'There were always constraints on investigating the Saudis'. They said the restrictions became worse after the Bush administration took over this year. The intelligence agencies had been told to 'back off' from investigations involving other members of the Bin Laden family, the Saudi royals, and possible Saudi links to the acquisition of nuclear weapons by Pakistan. 'There were particular investigations that were effectively killed'." Reports have emerged that Carlyle Group, the giant U.S. defence contractor that employs former President George W. Bush Snr., has had long-standing financial ties to the Bin Laden family. The Wall Street Journal records that: "If the U.S. boosts defense spending in its quest to stop Osama bin Laden's alleged terrorist activities, there may be one unexpected beneficiary: Mr. bin Laden's family... "Among its far-flung business interests, the well-heeled Saudi Arabian clan - which says it is estranged from Osama - is an investor in a fund established by Carlyle Group, a well-connected Washington merchant bank specializing in buyouts of defense and aerospace companies. Through this investment and its ties to Saudi royalty, the bin Laden family has become acquainted with some of the biggest names in the Republican Party. In recent years, former President Bush, ex-Secretary of State James Baker and ex-Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci have made the pilgrimage to the bin Laden family's headquarters in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Mr. Bush makes speeches on behalf of Carlyle Group and is senior adviser to its Asian Partners fund, while Mr. Baker is its senior counselor. Mr. Carlucci is the group's chairman. Osama is one of more than 50 children of Mohammed bin Laden, who built the family's $5 billion business, Saudi Binladin Group, largely with construction contracts from the Saudi government... "A Carlyle executive said the bin Laden family committed $2 million through a London investment arm in 1995 in Carlyle Partners II Fund, which raised $1.3 billion overall. The fund has purchased several aerospace companies among 29 deals. So far, the family has received $1.3 million back in completed investments and should ultimately realize a 40% annualized rate of return, the Carlyle executive said. But a foreign financier with ties to the bin Laden family says the family's overall investment with Carlyle is considerably larger. He called the $2 million merely an initial contribution. 'It's like plowing a field', this person said. 'You seed it once. You plow it, and then you reseed it again'." The San Francisco Chronicle reported that through the Carlyle Group, both George Bush Snr. and the Bin Laden family will benefit from the war on Afghanistan. "As America's military involvement abroad deepens, profits are increasing for the Carlyle Group - and, it turns out, for thousands of California civil servants," writes U.S. correspondent David Lazarus. "The Carlyle Group, as in a secretive Washington, D.C., investment firm managing some $14 billion in assets, including stakes in a number of defense-related companies... "Carlyle counts among its chieftains former Defense Secretary (and deputy CIA Director) Frank Carlucci, former Secretary of State James Baker and, most notably, former President George Bush. "Until October, the Carlyle Group also maintained financial ties with none other than the family of Osama bin Laden... The Carlyle Group has cultivated and enjoyed a decidedly low profile for the past 14 years. Yet it has succeeded in attracting to its ranks not just a who's who of Republican bigwigs but also a dazzling array of international politicos. "John Major, the former British prime minister, is a Carlyle adviser, as are former Philippine President Fidel Ramos and former Thai Premier Anand Panyarachun. So is a former president of Germany's Bundesbank and a former head of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission... Critics of the Carlyle Group have grown increasingly vocal in recent weeks, particularly over the perception that a private organization with unmistakable links to the White House is benefiting from America's military action in Afghanistan." The Village Voice observes that the current President, George Bush Jnr., also has firm links to Carlyle: "In a case of 'like father, like son', President Bush also had connections to the Carlyle Group, the Voice has learned. In the years before his 1994 bid for Texas governor, Bush owned stock in and sat on the board of directors of Caterair, a service company that provided airplane food and was also a component of Carlyle. For his consulting position, Bush was paid $15,000 a year, according to a Texas insider, and a bonus $1000 for every meeting he attended - roughly $75,000 in total. Reports show Carlyle was also a major contributor to his electoral fund." The Washington DC-based public interest law firm, Judicial Watch, which investigates and prosecutes government corruption and abuse, harshly criticised the Bush-Bin Laden connection towards the end of September: "George H.W. Bush, the father of President Bush, works for the bin Laden family business in Saudi Arabia through the Carlyle Group, an international consulting firm. The senior Bush had met with the bin Laden family at least twice. (Other top Republicans are also associated with the Carlyle group, such as former Secretary of State James A. Baker.) The terrorist leader Osama bin Laden had supposedly been 'disowned' by his family, which runs a multi-billion dollar business in Saudi Arabia and is a major investor in the senior Bush's firm. Other reports have questioned, though, whether members of his Saudi family have truly cut off Osama bin Laden. Indeed, the Journal also reported yesterday that the FBI has subpoenaed the bin Laden family business's bank records." Judicial Watch Chairman and General Counsel Larry Klayman commented that: "The idea of the President's father, an ex-president himself, doing business with a company under investigation by the FBI in the terror attacks of September 11 is horrible. President Bush should not ask, but demand, that his father pull out of the Carlyle Group." These concerns were reiterated by Charles Lewis, Executive Director of the Center for Public Integrity: "Carlyle is as deeply wired into the current administration as they can possibly be. George Bush is getting money from private interests that have business before the government, while his son is president. And, in a really peculiar way, George W. Bush could, some day, benefit financially from his own administration's decisions, through his father's investments. The average American doesn't know that. To me, that's a jaw-dropper." There is, indeed, abundant evidence that contrary to the public professions of U.S. officials, Osama Bin Laden, and members of his family, Osama continues to maintain relations with his family, rooted in long-standing business activities. "Bin Laden family members have said they are estranged from their brother, who turned against the Saudi government after joining Muslim fighters following the Soviet Union's 1979 invasion of Afghanistan," reported U.S. correspondent Sig Christenson. Yet the documentary record contradicts this version of events. Osama Bin Laden's father, Sheikh Muhammad Bin Laden, was founder of the formidable Bin Laden construction dynasty, which soon became "legendary in Arab construction, in the Saudi kingdom, the Gulf emirate of Ras al-Khaimah and in Jordan, for major road, airport and other infrastructure projects", according to ABC News correspondent and Middle East specialist John K. Cooley. "The firm attracted engineering talent from all over the world and rapidly amassed a huge fortune... "By the time Sheikh Muhammad killed himself by crashing his own aircraft in 1966, the bin Laden conglomerate of companies was the biggest private contractor of its kind in the world... [B]y the late 1970s, one of Sheikh Muhammad's young sons, Usama, was running much of the business. Under his guidance, the group maintained its reputation for professional excellence and 'can do' spirit in large projects. Usama bin Laden's inherited share of the family fortune was soon augmented by huge earnings." Ahmed Rashid noted in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette that Osama Bin Laden's involvement in the U.S.-backed Afghan resistance against Soviet occupation was fully supported by his family: "[His family] backed the Afghan struggle and helped fund it; when Osama bin Laden decided to join the non-Afghan fighters with the Mujaheddin, his family responded enthusiastically." So did the United States. Cooley reports that Osama Bin Laden's activities in Afghanistan occurred "with the full approval of the Saudi regime and the CIA." Under contract with the CIA, he and the family company built the multi-billion dollar caves in which he has apparently been hiding: "He brought in engineers from his father's company and heavy construction equipment to build roads and warehouses for the Mujaheddin. In 1986, he helped build a CIA-financed tunnel complex, to serve as a major arms storage depot, training facility and medical center for the Mujaheddin, deep under the mountains close to the Pakistan border." Cooley points out further that: "Through his own personal reputation as a pious Muslim who favored the cause of Wahabi Islamism, and through involvement of the bin Laden companies in construction and renovation at the holy shrines of Mecca and Medina, he seemed to both Saudi intelligence and the CIA an ideal choice for the leading role he began to play. Bin Laden began to pay, with his own company and funds, for recruitment, transportation and training of the Arab volunteers who flocked, first to Peshawar, and to Afghanistan... By 1985 bin Laden had collected enough millions from his family and company wealth... to organize al-Qaida." Former head of the U.S. Visa Bureau in Jeddah, Michael Springman, further testified as to how the U.S. supported these efforts: "In Saudi Arabia I was repeatedly ordered by high level State Dept officials to issue visas to unqualified applicants... "These were, essentially, people who had no ties either to Saudi Arabia or to their own country. I complained bitterly at the time there. I returned to the U.S., I complained to the State Department here, to the General Accounting Office, to the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and to the Inspector General's office. I was met with silence. What I was protesting was, in reality, an effort to bring recruits, rounded up by Osama Bin Laden, to the U.S. for terrorist training by the CIA. They would then be returned to Afghanistan to fight against the then-Soviets. The attack on the World Trade Center in 1993 did not shake the State Department's faith in the Saudis, nor did the attack on American barracks at Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia three years later, in which 19 Americans died. FBI agents began to feel their investigation was being obstructed. Would you be surprised to find out that FBI agents are a bit frustrated that they can't be looking into some Saudi connections?" Bin Laden's affiliations to the family business did not end there. "After the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 bin Laden returned for a short period to Saudi Arabia to tend to the family construction business at its Jeddah head office." Even after the 1989-91 period when Saudi security held on to Bin Laden's passport apparently "hoping to prevent or at least discourage his contact with extremists he had worked with... during the Afghan jihad", he had considerable influence in Saudi royal circles: "After Iraq's invasion of Kuwait he lobbied the Saudi royal family to organize civil defense in the kingdom and to raise a force from among the Afghan war veterans to fight Iraq." Since then, there is good reason to doubt official claims that Osama Bin Laden is now an outcast from his family due to his apparently extremist views and activities. As already noted above, his family was quite "enthusiastic" about Osama's involvement in the "Afghan jihad" against the Soviets during the 1980s. Additionally, the entire family is well-known for its adherence to the extremist Wahabi interpretation of Islam: "His father is known in these areas as a man with deeply conservative religious and political views and for his profound distaste for non-Islamic influences that have penetrated some of the most remote corners of old Arabia." Moreover, the origins of the Bin Laden family make it highly unlikely that this sort of break would occur between its members. "Though he grew up in the Saudi Arabian city of Jiddah, about 700 miles away across the Arabian peninsula, those who know him say he retains the characteristics of the people of this remote Yemeni region: extremely clannish and intensely conservative in their adherence to strict forms of Islam." Credible reports further indicate that in fact such a clean break between Osama Bin Laden and his family has never actually occurred, and that the Al-Qaeda leader still maintains close relations with his family. As indicated above, "FBI agents in the United States probing relatives of Saudi-born terror suspect Osama Bin Laden before September 11 were told to back off soon after George W Bush became president... "Bush at one point had a number of connections with Saudi Arabia's prominent Bin Laden family... [T]here was a suspicion that the U.S. strategic interest in Saudi Arabia, which has the world's biggest oil reserve, blunted its inquiries into individuals with suspected terrorist connections - so long as the U.S. was safe... secret documents from an FBI probe into the September 11 terror attacks that showed that at least two other U.S.-based members of the Bin Laden family are suspected to have links with a possible terrorist organisation." The Bin Laden family is currently under investigation by the FBI. The Wall Street Journal notes that: "[T]he Federal Bureau of Investigation has issued subpoenas to banks used by the bin Laden family seeking records of family dealings." ABC News further reports that: "No matter how they try to distance themselves, or denounce Osama, the FBI is very interested in learning more about the family business and has subpoenaed all their records. A recent French Intelligence report reveals a web of bin Laden companies both good and bad. Investigators are trying to make sure no family member is funneling money to the blackest sheep of all. 'They say they don't support anything he is doing, that he is a pariah now in the family', says Winer. But they have been quite secretive over the years like a number of families in the Middle East about how the financial network actually operates. He adds, 'It is a very tangled web of relationships that needs to be sorted out'." For instance, U.S. national security expert James Bamford cites declassified documents newly released under the Freedom of Information Act illustrating that: "In recent years, NSA has regularly listened to bin Laden's unencrypted telephone calls. [National Security] Agency officials have sometimes played tapes of bin Laden talking to his mother to impress members of Congress and select visitors to the agency." In 1998, another report noted that although members of Osama's family publicly disown him: "[FBI agent] Yossef Bodansky, director of the House Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, said 'sama maintains connections' with some of his nearly two dozen brothers. He would not elaborate." The French daily Le Figaro reported that: "While he was hospitalised [in the American Hospital in Dubai in July 2001], bin Laden received visits from many members of his family as well as prominent Saudis and Emirates." Increasing scrutiny of these matters leading to embarrassing revelations for both the Bush and Bin Laden families, appears to have been behind the latter's sudden decision to withdraw their stake in Carlyle in the aftermath of 11th September. The timing of this action only raises further questions about the nature of this Bush-Bin Laden financial affair, and whether it really was as innocent as is claimed - if so, why the need for the Bin Laden family to pull out, thus preempting further investigations and inquiries? An examination of U.S. attempts to capture Osama Bin Laden only adds weight to the dubious implications of these facts. According to the reputable Jane's Intelligence Review: "In February 1995, U.S. authorities named bin Laden and his Saudi brother-in-law, Mohammed Jamal Khalifa, among 172 unindicted co-conspirators with the 11 Muslims charged for the World Trade Center bombing and the associated plot to blow up other New York landmarks." Despite this, the United States has consistently blocked attempts to investigate and capture Bin Laden. In March 1996, for example, when Bin Laden was present in Sudan after leaving Saudi Arabia, Major General Elfatih Erwa - then Sudanese Minister of State for Defense - offered to extradite Bin Laden either to Saudi Arabia or the United States. "The Sudanese security services, he said, would happily keep close watch on bin Laden for the United States. But if that would not suffice, the government was prepared to place him in custody and hand him over, though to whom was ambiguous. In one formulation, Erwa said Sudan would consider any legitimate proffer of criminal charges against the accused terrorist." Instead of accepting the offer of extradition and indicting Bin Laden, the U.S. did the opposite: "[U.S. officials] said, 'Just ask him to leave the country. Just don't let him go to Somalia', Erwa, the Sudanese general, said in an interview. 'We said he will go to Afghanistan, and they [U.S. officials] said, 'Let him.' On May 15, 1996, Foreign Minister Taha sent a fax to Carney in Nairobi, giving up on the transfer of custody. His government had asked bin Laden to vacate the country, Taha wrote, and he would be free to go." But this was only one incident out of many in relation to Sudanese intelligence on the Al-Qaeda network. The London Observer, for instance, reported that: "Security chiefs on both sides of the Atlantic repeatedly turned down the chance to acquire a vast intelligence database on Osama bin Laden and more than 200 leading members of his al-Qaeda terrorist network in the years leading up to the 11 September attacks... "They were offered thick files, with photographs and detailed biographies of many of his principal cadres, and vital information about al-Qaeda's financial interests in many parts of the globe. On two separate occasions, they were given an opportunity to extradite or interview key bin Laden operatives who had been arrested in Africa because they appeared to be planning terrorist atrocities. "None of the offers, made regularly from the start of 1995, was taken up... The Observer has evidence that a separate offer made by Sudanese agents in Britain to share intelligence with MI6 has been rejected. This follows four years of similar rebuffs. One U.S. source who has seen the files on bin Laden's men in Khartoum said some were 'an inch and a half thick'. They included photographs, and information on their families, backgrounds and contacts. Most were 'Afghan Arabs', Saudis, Yemenis and Egyptians who had fought with bin Laden against the Soviets in Afghanistan. "'We know them in detail,' said one Sudanese source. 'We know their leaders, how they implement their policies, how they plan for the future. We have tried to feed this information to American and British intelligence so they can learn how this thing can be tackled.' In 1996, following intense pressure from Saudi Arabia and the U.S., Sudan agreed to expel bin Laden and up to 300 of his associates. Sudanese intelligence believed this to be a great mistake. 'There we could keep track of him, read his mail,' the source went on." Indeed, instead of agreeing to Bin Laden's extradition and indictment, two years later the U.S. launched an attack on Sudan targeting the al-Shifa pharmaceutical plant, claiming that Sudan was harbouring Bin Laden-connected terrorists, in particular by allowing al-Shifa - alleged by the U.S. to be developing chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction on Bin Laden's behalf - to continue operation. Yet just before the U.S. missile attack on Sudan, Sudan had made further offers in relation to hunting down members of Bin Laden's network that the U.S. had ignored. According to "a copy of a personal memo sent from Sudan to Louis Freeh, former director of the FBI, after the murderous 1998 attacks on American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania", Sudan had arrested "two named bin Laden operatives held the day after the bombings after they crossed the Sudanese border from Kenya... "They had cited the manager of a Khartoum leather factory owned by bin Laden as a reference for their visas, and were held after they tried to rent a flat overlooking in the US embassy in Khartoum, where they were thought to be planning an attack. U.S. sources have confirmed that the FBI wished to arrange their immediate extradition. However, Clinton's Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, forbade it. She had classed Sudan as a 'terrorist state', and three days later U.S. missiles blasted the al-Shifa medicine factory in Khartoum. The U.S. wrongly claimed it was owned by bin Laden and making chemical weapons. In fact, it supplied 60 per cent of Sudan's medicines, and had contracts to make vaccines with the UN." Despite this illegal war crime perpetrated by the Clinton administration, Sudan continued to hold the suspects for a further three weeks, "hoping the U.S. would both perform their extradition and take up the offer to examine their bin Laden database. Finally, the two men were deported to Pakistan. Their present whereabouts are unknown." Furthermore, U.S. indifference to intelligence information on Bin Laden continued into last year: "Last year the CIA and FBI, following four years of Sudanese entreaties, sent a joint investigative team to establish whether Sudan was in fact a sponsor of terrorism. Last May, it gave Sudan a clean bill of health. However, even then, it made no effort to examine the voluminous files on bin Laden." The testimony of the late John O'Neill, the Irish-American FBI agent who for several years led U.S. investigations into Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda network, is crucial in understanding the real context of such U.S. blocking of attempts to investigate, indict and capture Bin Laden. O'Neill, who was Deputy Director of the FBI, investigated the bombings of the World Trade Center in 1993, a U.S. base in Saudi Arabia in 1996, the U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar-Es-Salaam in 1998, and the U.S.S. Cole last year. The Irish Times reported that in interviews with French intelligence analyst Jean-Charles Brisard: "He complained bitterly that the U.S. State Department - and behind it the oil lobby who make up President Bush's entourage - blocked attempts to prove bin Laden's guilt. The U.S. ambassador to Yemen, Ms Barbara Bodine, forbade O'Neill and his team of so-called Rambos (as the Yemeni authorities called them) from entering Yemen. In August 2001, O'Neill resigned in frustration and took up a new job as head of security at the World Trade Centre. He died in the September 11th attack... The FBI agent had told Brisard: 'All the answers, everything needed to dismantle Osama bin Laden's organisation, can be found in Saudi Arabia'. "But U.S. diplomats shrank from offending the Saudi royal family. O'Neill went to Saudi Arabia after 19 U.S. servicemen died in the bombing of a military installation in Dhahran in June 1996. Saudi officials interrogated the suspects, declared them guilty and executed them - without letting the FBI talk to them. 'They were reduced to the role of forensic scientists, collecting material evidence on the bomb site', Brisard says. O'Neill said there was clear evidence in Yemen of bin Laden's guilt in the bombing of the U.S.S. Cole 'in which 17 U.S. servicemen died', but that the State Department prevented him from getting it." We should emphasise here that by deliberately blocking O'Neill's access to the "clear evidence" of Bin Laden's guilt - which would have sufficed to justify his indictment and arrest - the State Department deliberately allowed Bin Laden to escape the possibility of being apprehended. Elaborating on O'Neill's observations on Saudi's role, Brisard, who authored a report on al-Qaeda for the French intelligence agency DST, and his colleague Guillaume Dasquié, Editor of Intelligence Online, record that "a significant part of the Saudi royal family supports bin Laden." Pointing out that attacks inside the kingdom have targeted U.S. interests, not the Saudis, Brisard notes that: "Saudi Arabia has always protected bin Laden - or protected itself from him." Further informations also from: http://www.thecarlylegroup.com/people.htm kind regards - as always my own private opinion. Arno Tausch PS: you can have a free download from very well informed people in Paris these times by visiting: http://www.intelligenceonline.com/Unes/Archives/p_som_archives.asp about the most important website I came across in these months INTELLIGENCE ONLINE 142 rue Montmartre F-75002 Paris Tel: + 33 1 44 88 26 10 Fax: + 33 1 44 88 26 15 E-mail: info@indigo-net.com <mailto:info@indigo-net.com> Very recommendable as well: Bin Laden, the hidden truth By Guillaume Dasquié and Jean-Charles Brisard The Saudi Arabian monarchy has long played a double game on the international scene. In its political and financial networks can be found an astonishing mix of Islamic fanatics, respectable bankers, big American oil companies, pro-Taliban lobbyists, members of the Bush clan and sponsors of terrorism. An exclusive inquiry by Jean-Charles Brisard and Guillaume Dasquie (editor in chief of Intelligence Online) focuses on the political and financial underpinnings of the Al Qaeda organization and secret negotiations between the Bush administration and the Taliban until this summer.
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