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globalization and inequality: gunder frank abstract by Andre Gunder Frank 13 March 2002 19:55 UTC |
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the entire paper is posted on the author's web-page at csf.colorado.edu/agfrank/ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ANDRE GUNDER FRANK Senior Fellow Residence World History Center One Longfellow Place Northeastern University Apt. 3411 270 Holmes Hall Boston, MA 02114 USA Boston, MA 02115 USA Tel: 617-948 2315 Tel: 617 - 373 4060 Fax: 617-948 2316 Web-page:csf.colorado.edu/agfrank/ e-mail:franka@fiu.edu ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Abstract of: REAL WORLD GLOBALIZATION AND INEQUALITY YESTERDAY AND TODAY A Review Essay by Andre Gunder Frank of GLOBALIZATION AND HISTORY. THE EVOLUTION OF A NINETEENTH CENTURY ATLANTIC ECONOMY by Kevin H. O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, Cambridge MA & London: MIT Press 1999, $ ?? This book shows that the current "globalization" buzz-word refers to a process that in fact already characterized the nineteenth century until the beginning of the First World War. From then and until the end of the Second World War, the process of globalization was severely reversed - in exemplification of one of the authors' sub-theses that this process can and does have its own ups and downs and is not a one way ever onward and upward road, as latter day parlance would have it. During the half century past, the globalization process was re-initiated laboriously but haltingly until the last two and especially the last decade of the twentieth century, when globalism more than globalization recovered the reach it had already nearly a century earlier. Although this book focuses on the nineteenth century period prior even to that, the authors nonetheless express important concerns for present and future praxis and policy. Not the least of them is the warning that "globalization" should not be regarded as an automatic and irreversible ever onward and upward going process; but that it must also be cultivated and protected, in particular from protectionism itself. ........... The central question that the authors address is whether the Atlantic economy experienced convergence of income among its constituent parts. Their short answer is YES in the Atlantic economies, in which some however receive more equal attention than others. Moreover, the rest of the world remains beyond their scope in this book, although not in their later work. The authors rely less on the usual per capita GNP or GDP and prefer to use the real PPP [purchasing power parity] wage rate of the majority of workers as an index of income, because it takes better account of the otherwise all too much and often disregarded important domestic distribution of income. So the second main question posed is to what extent and how openness and especially trade impact on domestic distributions of income. This factor price wage rate of labor and its relation to the factor prices of land and capital are the empirical pieces and the analytical red thread that guides the authors innovative and coherent assembly of this part of their larger jig-saw puzzle still under construction. ........... Nonetheless, not only is trade found to be largely derivative from factor flows, but its contribution to wage/income convergence is much smaller than that of factor flows themselves. On the other hand, trade does have important consequences for the DISTRIBUTION if income. However, these effects are not the everywhere the same. They can result in both less and more equality of domestic economies, depending on differences in their pre-existing political economic structure. Usually, the efects are to accentuate both their already more equal and more unequal domestic distributions of income. Notably for instance, in the two Atlantic economies with the already previously most UN-equal income distributions, that is Brazil and the United States, three decades of late twentieth century 'openness' MULTIPLIED this inequality. ........... In this book however, the authors are not yet so interested in WHEN factor prices converged and with what effect, than they are with WHY these prices - and in particular why real wage rates and income - converged in the Atlantic economies. Limiting the question to the circum-Atlantic is of course their privilege. However as I will argue at the end of this review essay, it is NOT adequate or satisfactory to answer questions of why what happened IN the Atlantic Basin by drawing on evidence and its analysis, which is also limited only TO the Atlantic. That is among other reasons because in any one region factor prices are also formed through its participation in an already pre-existing and still continuing globalized world economy. Of course and perhaps in part for that reason as the authors aver in their above cited works, part of our dispute is precisely whether a world economy did or did not exist before the nineteenth century. ................ So how is it then that as the authors can state on p. 284 that "we believe that catching up of poor countries with rich may have as much to do with economic linkages as with any other force identified by growth theory....Where there has been openness, there has been convergence: where there has been autarky, there has been either divergence or cessation of convergence." Ergo, the authors suggest that even still today it is important to resist temptations or forces to revert to controls and restrictions on movements of capital and migration that have sometimes been invoked during some periods in the past. If that is the authors conclusion and policy recommendation for the present and future, it is open to serious reservation on at least three counts, including some that they even raise themselves: 1] One is on their argument as it stands so far, 2] another is on how widely in the Atlantic Economy convergence was NOT operative, and in the remainder of the world still less so, and 3] to what extent the authors' good cause and effect factor analysis is or is not adequate to account for observed, let alone unobserved, effects or consequences.... 1] We must have very serious reservations about the authors argument and policy conclusions already even on the analytic battlefield the authors selected themselves and engaging them only with the analytic arms they use themselves. Their insistence on openness for the future must be suspect insofar as it is based on their own factor analysis of factor movements and their consequences in the past. For the authors found that it was factor mobility of labor, primarily through inter-continental migration, that accounted for 70 percent of observed convergence. That also means that insofar as factor mobility was the crucial factor at all, the mobility of all other factors combined accounted for no more than 30 percent of observed convergence. Indeed, that percentage may also have been lower inasmuch as it is possible that some other factor mobility was DI-vergent but compensated by labor mobility. Moreover, the authors find that merchandize trade did NOT generate convergence. That leaves capital mobility as the other most important factor. But regarding that, the authors find that capital moved as a complement of and not as a substitute for the movement of labor and the development of land and other resources. Without capital to make labor and land productive in the regions of recent settlement, their development and convergence would have been much less than it was or even nil. Moreover, it was precisely to these resource rich and labor attracting potentially productive regions that capital went, and hardly at all elsewhere. So in the conclusion to their chapter 12 on "International Capital Flows," the authors themselves observe that "late-nineteenth century world capital flows were a force for divergence, not convergence" [p245]. How much morso then must serious analysis of the evidence demonstrate, or even raw evidence or pure theory each taken separately suggest, that the enormous flows of speculative financial capital in the late-twentieth century had to be and have been highly DE-stabilizing and DI-vergent.... ........ .......... However valuable their innovative study in this book unquestionably is, what this reviewer nonetheless finds missing is the examination of how WORLD trade, capital movements and payments, and migration impact on the Atlantic Economy that is under study here. All of these economic relations are and MUST be examined also as the structure and operation of the complex system of world trade and payments itself. For as the saying goes, the whole is more than the sum of its parts; and it and helps shape the parts and their relations among each other. Therefore, an adequate - or even any - analysis of HOW the causes and consequences of inter-regional [and inter-sectoral] flows of capital, trade and migrations and their consequences for convergence or not must also take due account of how any, e.g. Atlantic, regions were also importantly shaped by and dependent on what Ragnar Nurske called THE NETWORK OF WORLD TRADE [League of Nations 1943]. Moreover as he, Saul, Condliffe and Frank [1978,2001] analyzed and Kenwood & Lougheed apparently unsuccessfully sought to "popularize," this network was and is characterized by a WORLD-WIDE MULTILATERAL system of balances and imbalances of trade and payments. And arguably it is the POSITION WITHIN this system, more than relative factor prices and productivity of each economic region and sector that determines their absolute and relative benefits and any convergence or not among them. Of course, if all positions were equivalent, occupying one or another would not afford any particular dis/advantage to whoever manages or is obliged to locate there. But some positions are much more and others less beneficial than others, and even among apparently equal ones, some can in Goerge Orwell's terminology be more equal than others. The importance of locational position in the world economy is by no means derived from or limited to only geographical location, as we will note below. But it is perhaps the easiest to visualize, e.g. in the locations over two milennia of Constantinople/Istanbul near one and Malacca/Singapore near the other end of Eurasia. The former boasted a population already of 750,000 while Paris and London were edging from 50,000 to 100,000. Both were located at natural turn-around places in Afro-Eurasian East-West and North-South trade. And what is the benefit they derived from their locations? MONOPOLY RENT! That is why I use the term LOCATION, LOCATION, LOCATION in the Nineteenth Century World Economy [Frank 2001] to dramatize this all too neglected problematique, also by our present authors. .............. In conclusion we must observe again that our authors very laudable but sole or main object of inquiry have been factor price equalization and income convergence among otherwise separate productive, sectoral and geographic units. We already observed earlier on that [1] even their own evidence does not support their argument for openness even on their own turf and that [2] the evidence they do not examine beyond their own turf disconfirms their argument altogether. [3] Thirdly and most importantly however, their factor analysis of what factors and factor prices intervene in the process of con- or di- vergence are not the only factors of major significance for the economic and social outcomes that the authors are keen to observe and explain. The structure, organization, functioning, and transformation of the global world economy itself and the location within it of any particular unit also accounts for as much or very probably more, as per the titles of Adam Smith and David Landes, of "the wealth and poverty of nations," their inhabitants and of con- or di-vergence of income among them. By confining their analysis almost entirely to the former in neglect of the latter, our authors therefore also able to convey at best only half or even less of the truth. I leave it to the reader to judge whether a half truth or less is better or worse than none.
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