[comparative] 'The Gatekeeper' SAP'ing the world: States of unrest: Res

[from indymedia.org, comparative article very thorough. In the Ecuador
section, earlier protests are attributed to (or involved) the
'Confederation of Indigenous Peoples']

States of unrest: Resistance to IMF policies in poor countries (english) 
by posted by han (imc Belgium) 2:54pm Tue Jan 16 '01 


Since Seattle last year, the media has heralded the dawn of a new movement
in Europe and America, epitomised by protests aimed at the WTO, IMF and the
World Bank. However, this 'new movement', portrayed by the media as
students and anarchists from the rich and prosperous global north, is just
the tip of the iceberg. In the global south, a far deeper and wide-ranging
movement has been developing for years, largely ignored by the media. 

World Development Movement Report 
Jessica Woodroffe and Mark Ellis-Jones 
September 2000 States of unrest: Resistance to IMF policies in poor countries

Introduction 

Since Seattle last year, the media has heralded the dawn of a new movement
in Europe and America, epitomised by protests aimed at the WTO, IMF and the
World Bank. However, this 'new movement', portrayed by the media as
students and anarchists from the rich and prosperous global north, is just
the tip of the iceberg. In the global south, a far deeper and wide-ranging
movement has been developing for years, largely ignored by the media. What
follows is a summary of protests and demonstrations organised by the
southern poor. They are aimed at policies that hurt their livelihoods and,
in some cases, undermine the democratic foundations of their countries.
This 'hidden' movement has a global reach and signals a deep unease at
economic policies that keep the poor in poverty. 

Southern protest 
All of the developing countries detailed in this report have experienced
civil unrest in the past year. Teachers, civil servants, priests, farmers,
students, doctors, trade-union activists, indigenous peoples and women's
groups have called on their governments to halt the introduction of
economic reforms which have by-passed their national democratic
institutions, and have been foisted on them by the IMF and World Bank.
These are poor people, in a desperate situation, who are striving for
respect, dignity and a sense of pride in their lives and countries. Their
voices deserve to be heard. But they're not. Developing countries are still
locked into a dependant relationship with the international financial
institutions and donor governments. Despite the rhetoric of poverty
reduction, debt relief and economic stabilisation, these countries must
still implement liberalisation policies which hurt the poor. This report
shows how deeply the poor oppose them. 

The Gatekeeper

The IMF has unprecedented power over these vulnerable countries and is
often referred to as the 'Gatekeeper' because it determines whether to open
or shut the 'gate' between a borrowing government and its creditors. Unless
the IMF gives its 'seal of approval', signifying that a government's
policies are 'adequate', the government may be unable to access credit and
attract foreign investment. The only way these countries have been able to
gain the IMF's 'seal of approval' is by introducing a package of reforms
called a Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). These reforms often involve
the following common elements:

 • Reducing government expenditure, by making public-sector redundancies,
freezing salaries, and making cuts in health, education and social welfare
services; 
• The privatisation of state-run industries, leading to massive lay-offs
with no social security provision and the loss of inefficient services to
remote or poor areas; 
• Currency devaluation and export promotion, leading to the soaring cost of
imports, land use changed for cash crops, and reliance on international
commodity markets; 
• Raising interest rates to tackle inflation, putting small companies out
of business; 
• Removal of price controls, leading to rapid price rises for basic goods
and services. 

In 1999, these notorious SAPs underwent a transformation following
criticism of their content and undemocratic nature. At last year's Annual
Meetings, the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF), responsible
for providing loans to up to 80 countries, was renamed the Poverty
Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF). In addition, Poverty Reduction
Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which must be drawn up in consultation with civil
society, were introduced to meet fears that governments lacked 'ownership'
of SAPs. But early evidence suggests that PRGF conditions are almost
identical to the old ESAF conditions, and that PRSPs will closely resemble
SAPs. The names may have changed but the economics has stayed the same. For
countries outside the remit of the PRGF, the IMF remains as inflexible as
ever. Loans from the IMF are always conditional on the implementation of
structural reforms, and countries seeking the IMF's international 'seal of
approval' are always 'encouraged' to continue with SAP-style policies. All
these policies hurt the poor. Developing countries have few choices -
either implement policies ill-suited to their country or risk economic
isolation. Most governments, seeking to retain power and be accepted
internationally, choose the IMF over their own people. 

Demolishing democracy 

One of the objectives of IMF and World Bank conditions is to leave
economies well governed and increase stability. Instead, SAPs have
undermined the ability of democratic governments to set their own
priorities and policy objectives; instead, they often rush through economic
reforms without adequate legislative or democratic processes. While
governments are held responsible for the social and economic upheaval which
results, the IMF and World Bank escape largely unscathed. These
institutions have little accountability to any electorate, and remain
forever at arm's length. At best, they offer advice to the governments 'to
continue building the necessary political support for reforms', and at
worst distance themselves completely from failed programmes, blaming
inadequate political will or corruption. SAPs, which cut back the role of
the state, ignore the basic function of governments - to provide social
services to their citizens. If governments are unable to provide these
services because of budget cuts or debt servicing, governments lose their
legitimacy in the eyes of their citizens. It would be wrong to suggest that
developing countries have no responsibility. Some have embraced the
proposals willingly, others have been guilty of corruption. But our point
is that civil society's attempt to democratise their own governments is
made substantially more difficult, if not impossible, by the imposition of
IMF conditions. There is no room for flexibility in negotiations with the
IMF. This is compounded by the current revamp which seeks to dress SAPs up
in the rhetoric of PRSPs, which could make matters much worse. The policies
will stay the same, but instead of being explicitly prescribed by the IMF,
they will be covertly pushed on government officials by 'IMF advisors'. In
the long run, PRSPs will only help the IMF pass the buck when things go
wrong. When democracy is undermined and governments are unable to act in
the interests of their electorate, one of the only channels left is for
citizens to demonstrate. Civil unrest, demonstrations and strikes should
indicate to governments, law-makers and the international community that
policies are not working. Country reports Argentina 

IMF overview 

In March 2000, the IMF approves a US$7.2 billion three-year stand-by credit
on the condition that the Government continues with key fiscal and
structural reforms. Within the agreement, there is specific reference to
the importance of "the proposed labour market reform and deregulation", and
to "the further reform of the social security system".
December 1999 
A wave of strikes hits the newly elected centre-left Government as it tries
to introduce reforms of its labour laws in response to discussions with the
IMF. The reforms will dilute the trade-union movement and reduce the rights
of workers. Mr Montoya, one of the leaders of Argentina's biggest union
umbrella group, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), has already
likened the strikes to the ones which caused economic and social chaos in
1983-89, leading to the downfall of the then President, Raul Alfonsin.
Montoya says that Mr De la Rue, Argentina's current President is
"committing the same error as Alfonsin".
27 April 2000 
The package of labour reforms is passed by the Senate, while thousands of
demonstrators picket Congress, leading to violent clashes with the police
in which more than 30 people are injured and about 50 arrested. 
May 2000 
IMF-prescribed Government cuts in the social security system lead to
violent demonstrations in the Salta region. Peaceful protests erupt into
violence after demands for unemployment benefits and severance pay are
ignored by local officials who can no longer provide them. The protesters
set fire to public offices before being subdued by armed riot police,
leaving dozens injured and many arrested. Rural communities in a similar
situation block roads and organise protests to disrupt visiting government
officials in an effort to voice their concerns about the increasing
deterioration of social provisions. 
31 May 2000
Protests against the IMF austerity plan, which will raise taxes, reduce
social spending and cut salaries, culminate with 80,000 people taking to
the streets. The protest is called by the three largest trade unions, the
Catholic Church (usually too conservative to support such actions) and
politicians, from both the governing Alianza coalition and opposition
parties. Protesters likened the IMF to a 'financial dictatorship' and
promised 'fiscal disobedience' by refusing to pay their taxes, which have
jumped from 8 to 22 per cent. One of the 14 dissident members of the
Alianza coalition states that "we want to insist that the Government apply
the programme for which it was elected and not this series of adjustments
that only serve to shrink the internal market and create a recession".
Guillermo Garcia Canedo, the secretary of the Social Pastoral Argentine
Episcopate of the Catholic Church, backs the march to uphold the
recommendations of Pope John Paul II, who wants the IMF and World Bank
reformed. Canedo says, "It is essential to create unity among social
sectors in order to firmly tell the IMF we have had enough of its
adjustment policy." In a survey by the Argentina-based Centre for Public
Opinion Studies, 70 per cent of those polled identify the IMF as
responsible for budget adjustments, 65 per cent believe its policies are
not successful, and 88 per cent maintain that the Government should place
limits on the IMF's requirements. In a separate poll, the approval ratings
for the Government's economic policy fall from 35 per cent in January to 13
per cent in July. 
9 June 2000 
In continued defiance of the new IMF-prescribed labour laws, a 24-hour
general strike is supported by more than 7.2 million workers. The
President, Fernado de la Rua, is reported as saying that the Government has
no choice but to meet targets set by the IMF. The report continues that the
Government and the workers are in deadlock, and more strikes and
disruptions are inevitable. 
29 August 2000 
Teachers and scientists go on a one-day strike to protest against a 12 per
cent cut in wages. These wage cuts are in line with IMF austerity measures.
In August, the Financial Times reports how "a wave of discontent is
sweeping across Argentina, eroding the government's political capital and
prompting it to adopt desperate measures to create jobs and kick-start the
economy. But the measures may have backfired and put the brakes on the
economy [and] even supporters of the governing Alliance will be looking to
distance themselves from an unpopular government." The FT fails to mention
the IMF's complicity in the Argentina's social turmoil and the Government's
failed programme of reforms. The Argentine courts find the IMF directly
responsible for Argentina's debt. In an unprecedented judicial ruling,
condemning the illegitimate origins of the country's debt amassed during
the military dictatorship of 1976-83, Judge Jorge Ballestro says that the
outstanding debt is part of "a damaging economic policy that forced
[Argentina] on its knees through various methods, and which tended to
benefit and support private companies - national and foreign - to the
detriment of society." The ruling specifically cities the IMF as being
responsible and states that "it could not pass unnoticed among the IMF
authorities who were supervising the economic negotiations". As the hearing
concludes, more than 5,000 people gather outside the congressional building
in the capital to demonstrate their support. 

Bolivia 

IMF overview 
Bolivia has been working with the IMF since 1985, and received an ESAF loan
for US$138 million in September 1998, which set out "plans to privatise all
remaining public enterprises", including the water industry. In February
2000, the IMF grants another US$46.1 million PRGF loan in addition to
US$1.3 billion in debt relief under the Enhanced HIPC Initiative. These are
granted on the condition of Bolivia's continued "progress in the
implementation of structural reforms."
December 1999/January 2000 
IMF structural adjustment reforms lead to water prices in Cochabamba,
Bolivia's third largest city, rising by as much as 200 per cent, provoking
widespread protests. The average water bill is estimated to equal 22 per
cent of a monthly wage of a self-employed man and 27 per cent for a woman.
In January, an alliance of factory workers, farmers, students and
environmentalists protest against the continued high price of water in the
city. After the protesters shut down the city for four days, the Government
promises to reverse the rate increase. 
February 2000
The Government cannot act on its promises due to the IMF conditions. More
than 1,000 protesters take to the streets and are confronted by a similar
number of riot police and soldiers, who disperse them with baton charges
and tear gas. More than 175 people are injured and two are blinded. The
Government again responds by promising a price freeze until November when
they promise to re-open negotiations. 
April 2000 
Water prices still do not change. Exasperated by the Government's lack of
commitment to alleviating the situation, more protesters take to the
streets, this time joined by more than 1,000 rural peasants fighting the
privatisation of rural water supplies. Protesters block roads and
demonstrations explode into violence. The town hall is stormed. The
President, Hugo Banzer, declares a state of emergency, restricting civil
liberties. Protest leaders are arrested. Rubber bullets are replaced by
real ones. Bolivian television shows an army captain firing into an unarmed
crowd. Only then does the Government revoke the concession of the
multinational controlling the city's water. Reports claim that as many as
eight people are dead, including two farmers, two soldiers, one police
officer and three protesters. In La Paz, there are also scattered protests
in which 30 people are injured and 11 students arrested. In a separate
incident, hundreds of police officers go on strike in the capital,
demanding salary increases. An Inter Press Service report claims that the
protests are the President's "lowest point in his two years and eight
months in office because it deepened existing conflicts and created a
general feeling of contempt for the government". It also suggests that the
failure of the Government to deal with the protests democratically is an
expression of disenchantment with Bolivia's democracy. Erick Torrici of the
Andean Community of Nations and an expert at the Andean University says,
"Such as it stands, democracy is reaching its limits. The content of recent
demonstrations responds to a situation that reveals the inadequacies of a
merely electoral democracy." Maria Teresa Segada, a specialist from the
Higher University of Sans Andres, explains further how "when the neoliberal
economic model was implemented in 1985, [with the beginning of SAPs]
government leaders asked the Bolivian people for patience and sacrifice,
but now, 15 years later, patience has run out because the model did not
meet expectations." While the country is in turmoil, however, the National
Forum on Poverty Reduction, organised by Jubilee 2000 in La Paz, undertakes
the largest public consultation exercise in the country's history,
involving 429 participants, including 90 departmental delegates, 275
representatives from 114 organisations and 64 international
representatives. The aim of the forum is to assess key areas for poverty
reduction in the country, and runs alongside the government's National
Dialogue, which is part of its PRSP consultation exercise. Liana Cisneros
from the Latin America Jubilee 2000 Network says, "The creditors' response
to Bolivia's debt crisis has consistently been inadequate. Poverty levels
in Bolivia remain devastating. The IMF would do well to study the findings
of the Forum for ideas on how to reduce poverty." 

Brazil 

IMF overview 
In November 1998, the IMF offers Brazil a US$18 billion stand-by loan.
Conducting their fifth review of the agreement the IMF "noted with
satisfaction" the success of the Brazilian economy, although it "encouraged
the Brazilian authorities to press ahead with their privatisation efforts
and the further liberalisation of external trade". 
April 2000
A Tribunal on Foreign Debt in Rio de Janeiro claims that "the policies of
the IMF have proved disastrous and have increased the foreign debt even
more, while imposing the endless moratorium on social spending. Those who
must pay the debt are children, workers in rural areas and the countryside,
black people, indigenous people and the environment." The Tribunal,
organised by Jubilee 2000, includes Dr Luiz Cernichiaro, Minister of the
Supreme Court, Federal Judge Dra Maccalos and other prominent lawyers. It
has the backing of trade unions, the Catholic Church and the Landless
Movement. 
September 2000 
A referendum asking whether Brazil should discontinue IMF reforms is backed
by more than a million people. Organised by the National Council of Bishops
and Jubilee 2000, the 'unofficial' referendum is a marked success. On the 7
September, to mark the end of six days of voting and Brazil's Independence
Day, a demonstration draws thousands of protesters under the banner of Cry
of the Excluded. All the main cities in Brazil are "crammed", say reports,
with more than 100,000 people in Sao Paulo. The Government had previously
called the referendum "stupid" and an isolated project undertaken by
"minorities". 

Colombia 

IMF overview 
In September 1999, the IMF approves a three-year credit worth US$2.7
billion in support of "the government's structural reform agenda", which
includes policies to "downsize the public sector, mainly through
privatisation, and reduce public sector spending". In the annual review of
this agreement, the IMF "welcomed the continuation of the recovery of
Colombia's economic activity, despite the challenges posed by the political
and security situation", and describes the importance of dealing with the
programme's "social fall-out" if private and foreign investment is to continue.
3 August 2000 
About 15,000 workers go on a 24-hour general strike to protest against
IMF-imposed austerity measures being implemented by President Andres
Pastrana. Colombia has the highest unemployment rate in Latin America, with
20 per cent of the population without work. The recent 2001 budget is
announced by the Finance Minister as the budget of "sweat and tears", with
5,000 public sector jobs to go and wage increases to be kept below the rate
of inflation. There will be little compensation of workers as the
Government continues its cutbacks on social security provision. The
conditions laid out in the US$2.7 billion IMF loan require Colombia to
further open its economy, privatise public companies and cut back spending. 

Costa Rica 

IMF overview 
In 1995, Costa Rica was granted an IMF stand-by credit for US$78 million on
the condition that "private sector participation in areas previously
reserved for the public sector is increased" and "a far greater role by
foreign investors in areas such as electricity generation, insurance and
banking" is provided for. In the 1999 annual review of Costa Rica's
economic programme, the IMF urges the "prompt approval of the draft
legislation to open up electricity generation, telecommunications, and the
insurance sector to private sector participation as essential." Often known
as the Switzerland of the Americas, Costa Rica has a sound reputation for
democracy, peace and good welfare provision. The Costa Ricans have managed
to by-pass much of the internal conflict and strife which has racked their
neighbours. As The Economist points out, "Costa Rica has other advantages,
rare in the region. These include a democratic tradition, respect for the
rule of law and a well-educated workforce." However, market reforms,
bolstered by the IMF, seem to threaten this previously peaceful and
democratic nation. Since Congress passed a law allowing the state
telecommunications company, the Costa Rican Electricity Institute (ICE) to
be privatised, there have been a series of strikes and demonstrations. ICE
stands as a national symbol of the welfare state and many believe this is
the beginning of further measures to privatise Costa Rica's assets. The
fate of other reforms hinge on the success or failure of the ICE
privatisation - the Government already has plans for the state banks and
private insurance. 
March 2000 
The introduction of a bill outlining the IMF-prescribed privatisation of
ICE leads to widespread protests. During protests on 16 March, one person
is killed in Ochomogo, five are wounded, and several injured, including 30
police officers, as riot police clash with demonstrators. At least 50
student protesters are arrested. Television images show police beating
youths who are trying to run away. In Perez Zeledon, five demonstrators are
wounded by police gunfire, 30 police officers are hit with stones, and 50
students are arrested. Police report that 40 protests have taken place on
21 March all around the country. On 23 March, 10,000 marchers descend on
the presidential residence demanding the withdrawal of the bill. In a clash
with university students in a San Jose suburb, police beat demonstrators
and arrest 52 students. 
April 2000 
A protest is met with "unaccustomed brutality by riot police". Rodolfo
Cerdas, a political analyst, says that "these protests are a struggle to
elevate the quality of Costa Rican democracy. We have a politics of ivory
towers. People think politicians only have their own interests in mind."
Opinion polls support his views. A University of Costa Rica survey finds
that 53 per cent oppose the ICE reform while only 20 per cent support it;
92 per cent say they should have been consulted and 84 per cent believe
there should be a referendum. 

Ecuador 

IMF overview 
In April 2000, the IMF grants a stand-by loan worth US$304 million which
will mobilise over $1.7 billion in additional resources from other
creditors. The agreement notes that "the programme [of reforms] is very
demanding and successful implementation will require firm resolve on the
part of the authorities, and the support of the Congress and the public at
large". The reforms include the dollarisation of the economy, wage
restraint, the removal of subsidies and "for important structural reforms
in the labour market, the oil sector, and privatisation". In the first
review of this agreement, the "directors were encouraged by the steps taken
to inject more flexibility in the labour market, increase private sector
participation in the economy, as well as the commitment to phase out price
regulations on domestic fuels and electricity. It was also noted that a
more liberal trade regime would complement these reforms."
7 January 2000 
Delays in negotiations with the IMF leave the Government without the means
to reactivate the economy. The deepening economic crisis, and the social
instability it causes, results in the elected President, Jamil Mahaud,
declaring a state of emergency to contain growing protests. The crisis,
which has been escalating for a year, leads to consumer prices rising by
more than 60 per cent and a 7 per cent decline in economic growth.
Confidence in the Government falls sharply, with the national currency, the
sucre, losing 21 per cent of its value. The state of emergency allows the
administration to avert demonstrations which it believes are "interested in
destabilising the government", preventing groups from congregating and
giving the authorities power of dispersal. 
10 January 2000 
Lawrence Summers, US Treasury Secretary, pledges full support for Ecuador,
saying that Bill Clinton has phoned Mahaud to offer his support in the
growing climate of instability. Summers says that the "achievement of
stability and confidence in Ecuador was very much in the interests of the
US" and that the IMF is likely to send a team of delegates to the country.
In Quito, military chiefs publicly throw their support behind the
President, dispelling international fears of a coup attempt. They reject
"any attempt to break the legal order" and call for a solution "within the
constitutional and democratic framework". 
15 January 2000 
Organised by the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples, 40,000 Indians plan a
week of protests, including a march on Quito and other major cities,
against the Government's IMF-prescribed policy reforms. Ecuador's
Government deploys 35,000 soldiers and police to control the situation. The
protesters call for the President's resignation, an end to the reforms
urged by the IMF, including the dollarisation of the economy, and for an
end to economic instability. Blanca Chancosa, one of the leaders, says that
the President "has not had the political will to fix the country. He does
not have the capacity. Let him step aside so that the people can designate
other persons more honest and with a will to carry out a new form of
government." 
22 January 2000 
About 3,000 protesters occupy Ecuador's Congress building while more than
10,000 protest outside. The involvement of military guards, which allow the
protesters inside, fuels speculation of a possible coup attempt despite
reassurances from Carlos Mendoza, head of the armed forces. Protesters also
surrounded the supreme court despite police attempts to disperse them with
tear gas. In Guayaquil, Ecuador's second largest city, demonstrations
become violent, leading to several injuries. Protesters claim that the
Government's plan to scrap the national currency and adopt the dollar will
further impoverish the country. A statement from the White House rejects
"the actions of those who have occupied the Ecuadorian National Congress
and are seeking to establish an unconstitutional regime". Other nations
across the continent also condemn the actions of protesters claiming that
they are tantamount to an attempted military coup. Mahaud flees the
Presidential Palace and the military take power. With an armed guard of
troops loyal to him, Mahaud goes into hiding after a week of demonstrations
and a retraction of Mendoza's previous statement in support of the government. 
23 January 2000 
Mahaud's vice-president, Gustavo Noboa, becomes the new President in a
special session of Congress in which the military junta hands back power.
However, leaders of the protest movement oppose Noboa's succession, saying
he is in the pockets of the IMF and the US. Antonio Vargas, one of the
indigenous leaders, denounces Mendoza for betraying the protesters, who
want to create a new form of government to target corruption and poverty.
He also says that Noboa has only been installed after pressure from
Washington. Noboa confirms that he will continue with the IMF-advised
reforms and hopes to bring the country back to stability, especially with
the backing of the military. The Financial Times suggests that Noboa will
enjoy more support from Congress and from business, especially after the
"country's brief flirtation with a return to a dictatorship after 20
years". However, the report says that unless the new President wins the
support of the protesters, who oppose the IMF reforms, he too will face a
rough ride. 
March 2000 
In order to qualify for an IMF loan, the Government introduces a package of
new laws to reform the labour market and the financial sector, increase
privatisation efforts, provide oil pipeline permits and, controversially,
dollarise the economy. 
May 2000 
The National Educators Union goes on strike for five weeks over the
proposed IMF cuts in spending and salaries. Noboa says he will take a tough
stance: "I'm willing to go all the way with this. If they want to strike
for a year, let them do it. We're not going to back down." Protests by
teachers in Quito are dispersed by riot police using tear gas. 
June 2000 
Noboa grants an amnesty for all civilians and military personnel who took
part in the military coup in January. He explains that the amnesty is an
effort to keep the peace in Ecuador. The Government removes fuel price
subsidies in line with their IMF agreement, resulting in the rise of petrol
prices. Noboa tries to explain to critics that "we did the best we could
for all the Ecuadorian people, and in accordance with the IMF". 
15 June 2000 
Ecuador's new President faces his first general strike, organised by trade
unions and church groups, against continued IMF economic reforms. Wilson
Alverez, president of the Workers United Front, a union umbrella group,
says, "We're going to take to the streets to reject the economic package,
reject the miserable increases in salaries and the hikes in fuel and
electricity costs." Among those striking are more than 30,000 doctors, who
stage a 72-hour sit-down protest, as well as teachers, oil workers, and
other public sector workers. In Quito, protesters who try to march on the
government palace are met with tear gas and riot police. One passer-by
receives a bullet wound. In Guayaquil, a bomb explodes outside Citibank and
demonstrators are dispersed with tear gas. On a trip to London, Nina Pacari
Vega, the Pachakutic leader (the political party set up by indigenous
groups), says that the economic reforms are unconstitutional and have
triggered sharp price increases. "Dollarisation isn't the most viable way
to bring about economic recovery." 
26 June 2000 
The Financial Times reports that Noboa was recently visited by Thomas
Pickering, the US state department number three, and by Cesar Gaviria, the
head of the Organisation of American States, who both call on the armed
forces to uphold the constitution, and for certain military officers to
face discipline after January's events. The report also outlines how the
President is trying to win political support for the IMF-imposed economic
reforms, promising consultation with indigenous groups and highlighting the
benefits reforms will bring to the country. But opponents of the reforms
remain entrenched and want plans for dollarisation and privatisation
scrapped. Noboa sees an 8 per cent drop in the polls, with only 43 per cent
of the population backing his Government. 
7 August 2000 
Passage of the IMF dollarisation bill through Congress continues to provoke
controversy and results in violent exchanges and physical fighting in the
Congress chamber. The bill causes great rifts within parties and between
members of Congress. 10 August 2000 
Noboa fails to gain military support to dissolve Congress and end political
wrangling about the IMF reforms. Although military leaders reject the plan
to dissolve Congress, the attempt by Noboa shows he is increasingly worried
by political and economic instability. In a separate move, however, Noboa
wins collective agreement for his cabinet's resignation. 29 
August 2000 
The Confederation of Indigenous Peoples (Conaie), which was instrumental in
the downfall of the last President, calls for a popular uprising against
Noboa. Condemning the IMF reforms, and saying that Ecuador will become a
colony of the US, the organisation plans a series of strikes.
9 September 2000 
Ecuador formally adopts the dollar as its currency. The IMF states that
"dollarisation has proceeded rapidly and has calmed the financial markets". 
12 September 2000 
Ecuador's transition to the dollar turns into chaos as, due to bad
planning, many people are left without the means to buy or sell. Although
trading is now meant to be in dollars, many small shops and stall-holders
have been left without coins to exchange. Roberto Aguirre, an economist,
says that the Government has rushed dollarisation and has not planned the
switch thoroughly enough. "There has been a lack of foresight by the
Government in not providing coins in time and in sufficient amounts." 

Honduras 

IMF overview 
The IMF grants a US$21 million loan on 7 June 2000 under the PRGF. The IMF
urges the Honduras authorities "to proceed quickly with structural reforms,
especially the privatisation of telecommunications and electricity
distribution and the reform of the social security and pension system". On
10 July 2000, Honduras receives US$900 million in debt relief under the
Enhanced HIPC Initiative in "recognition by the international community of
the country's progress in implementing reforms in macroeconomic, structural
and social policies".May - 
July 2000 
A series of strikes hit the country, demanding an end to IMF public service
cuts. On 12 May, 8,000 hospital workers strike to demand a pay-rise,
affecting 28 hospitals and 500 clinics. Riot police are deployed in and
around public hospitals to maintain order. On 26 June, thousands of workers
take part in a national strike demanding an increase in the minimum wage.
Protesters block main roads and the state-run port company, and a number of
banana plantations are closed. On 27 July, thousands of secondary school
teachers go on strike over unpaid wages, affecting about one million
pupils. Teachers have not been paid since February. 
August 2000 
A 24-hour general strike on the 24 August opposes IMF backed economic
reforms. The Government's plans to privatise state-owned electricity,
telecommunications and social security sectors to comply with IMF
requirements cause disruption to education, transport and health services.
Organised by the Popular Bloc, and comprising farmers, workers and
students, the protest closes universities, affecting 60,000 students, and
blocks services at hospitals and major highways. 

Kenya 

IMF overview 
On the 28 July 2000, the IMF resumes lending to Kenya with a US$198 million
PRGF loan. The loan is in recognition of the Government's renewed programme
to address the causes of financial instability and low growth, namely
"stop-go macroeconomic policies [and] slow structural reform". These
policies include "macroeconomic and structural reforms civil service reform
[and] privatisation". 
April-May 2000 
A peaceful demonstration calling for debt relief and an end to IMF
conditions ends in violence and arrests of church leaders; 63 protesters,
including 13 nuns and 2 priests, are arrested at a debt cancellation march
in Nairobi. The march, organised by the Kenyan Debt Relief Network
(KENDREN), a network of church groups, human rights organisations and the
Green Belt Movement, was peacefully making its way to the offices of the
World Bank's Representative to present a letter to end Kenya's debt. Riot
police arrive at the end of the march and "broke up the protest with clubs
and tear gas, violently hauling marchers into a waiting vehicle". There are
several injuries, including children and an Islamic sheik (priest).
Spokespersons among the group say it is the first time the Kenyan
authorities have dared to jail a Roman Catholic priest and nuns. The
protesters are eventually released on bail and, at their court hearing on
the 22 May, the charges are dropped. Brother Andre of the Divine Word
Missionaries, one of the arrested marchers, says in a recent letter, "The
IMF and World Bank have power over the financial decisions of poor
countries. Often poor countries have totally lost their autonomy. They are
often recolonised, with the powerful countries dictating the terms." The
Stakeholders Support Group (SSG), formed by Kenyan opposition party
members, lawyers and NGOs, protests against the IMF's resumption of lending
to the Government, saying the administration has not made the necessary
reforms to stamp out corruption. The Government claims it has made all the
reforms required by the IMF and World Bank, but the SSG wants any new aid
tied to constitutional reform. There are fears that President Daniel Arap
Moi will try to hold on to power after his term of office runs out in 2002,
and the SSG accuses the British government of pressuring the IMF to resume
lending in order to keep him in power. 
August 2000 
President Daniel Arap Moi complains that the conditions imposed by the IMF
and World Bank for their new aid programme to Kenya are too harsh: "We have
been paying our debts for the past nine years but have not received
anything in return. Our economic growth will definitely slow down as a
result of the conditions. These conditions are the toughest ever imposed on
Kenya." The IMF senior advisor for Africa, Jose Fajgenbaum, defends the
terms of the loan approved by the IMF in late July. He says, "Complaints
that the loan conditions infringed on Kenya's sovereignty were an
exaggeration", adding that "the reporting requirements attached to the aid
package were normal. They were the same as had been expected of Kenya as
part of previous IMF aid programmes." 

Malawi 

IMF overview 
The IMF grants US$10.6 million credit on 25 October 1999 under ESAF. The
Malawi government is warned in the agreement that "structural reforms will
be critical in achieving success and in accelerating the mobilisation of
committed external assistance. Directors [of the IMF] urge the [Malawi]
authorities to accelerate the pace of structural reforms." 
15 May 2000 
Protests opposing IMF conditions end in violence. Trade unionists and
human-rights activists try to march to the New State House, where a
Consultative Group of western donor countries are meeting government
officials. The protesters, carrying placards protesting against the effects
of SAPs, are stopped by police. They are then dispersed by tear gas. 

Nigeria 

IMF overview 
On 4 August 2000, the IMF approves a stand-by credit worth US$1,031 million
for Nigeria's 2000-01 economic programme. The IMF notes "An acceleration of
the implementation of structural reforms is urgently needed, including to
tackle serious deficiencies in the provision of power, telecommunications
and petroleum that are obstacles to growth." While stressing the need for
an adequate privatisation framework, they urge that "there should be no
delays in this urgent task". They warn that this "will require diligence
and resolute efforts by the authorities to overcome evident weaknesses in
institutional capacity". Despite the democratic elections in May 1999 of
Nigeria's new President, Olusegen Obasanjo, the country has continued to
experience protests and riots calling for an end to IMF-induced fuel price
rises. 
December 1999-January 2000 
Civil society groups show dismay that their elected president is continuing
with the unpopular IMF-advised policies. Nigerian newspapers report the
"same old story", with Obasanjo planning to deregulate the oil sector and
raise petrol prices. M Arigbede, national co-ordinator of the Nigerian
Poverty Eradication Forum, says that Obasanjo is succumbing to IMF and
World Bank pressure to implement the policy: "Obasanjo is pretending that
he is taking a decision in the interest of the people. That is deceitful.
Deregulation is going to compound the poverty situation immensely."Adams
Oshiomhole, a union leader, says, "We are on a mission to rescue the
president [who has] been hijacked by the IMF and the World Bank. This
country belongs to Nigerians." The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) takes
5,000 workers on a march to show their opposition to the deregulation of
the oil sector. They march on Aso Rock, where they are attacked by armed
police. Gani Fawehimi, a lawyer and human rights activist, says, "It is sad
and ironic that Obasanjo's regime, which was brought into power by
democratic process, is now unleashing autocratic violence on the
representatives of labour who are protesting against the plan of the regime
to increase petroleum from January 2000. The employment of force by the
Nigerian Police, which is directly under the president, against unarmed
protesters, amounted to a violation of the constitution of this country,
particularly the fundamental rights of peaceful protesters." Previously,
the National Economic Intelligence Committee warned that deregulating the
oil sector "may compound rather than relieve the situation" and suggested a
number of measures to prevent "importers making huge profits at the expense
of the country and its ordinary citizens". These include consultation with
labour representatives and the passing of an appropriate legislative
framework to channel benefits of deregulation back into the country. It
stresses that raising the price of oil will aggravate an already volatile
situation. 
June 2000 
The Government continues with the IMF-advised fuel price hike, and in
response Nigeria is crippled by the most serious general strike since the
end of military rule. Oil workers are joined by public sector and transport
staff while Lagos port and highways are blockaded, and both international
and domestic flights disrupted, and all petrol stations closed. Sporadic
violence is reported across Nigeria's cities, leading to several deaths. In
Abuja, two police stations are burned down. Kwesi Owusu, Head of the
Jubilee 2000 Africa Initiative, says, "Popular outrage alone does not
change the minds of governments under such tremendous pressure from the IMF
to implement stringent measures that are at odds with what this country and
its people desperately need." He adds that "they [the IMF] are now hell
bent on squeezing the last drop of blood out of a new democratic government
that is struggling to restore social and economic stability". 
July 2000 
The Nigerian House of Representatives adopts a non-binding motion urging
the federal government to suspend all activities in respect to the IMF
loan. The speaker, Umar Ghali Na'Abba, calls for a full disclosure of
information about the IMF and its relationship with Nigeria: "It is only
then that we can be properly equipped to delve into these things." 16 
August 2000 
Despite securing the IMF loan, the Nigerian Assembly is concerned about
further IMF-advised privatisation. The Assembly starts a "privatisation
consultation", stating that the previous privatisation programme was
inadequate due to the "absence of a complete and properly attuned legal
framework". Nze Chidi Duru, the chairman of the House Committee on
Privatisation, also observes that "the stringent opposition to
privatisation was generally from workers and the labour unions [but] today
the array of complaints has broadened to include many other shares of
opinion including estate surveyors and valuers, engineers, shareholders and
many others". In a linked venture, the Assembly introduces a bill to repeal
the previous privatisation laws and "for the suspension of the
privatisation exercise until an adequate legal framework was provided".
James Mutethia, a Nigerian journalist, notes that "African countries are
being asked to impose austerity measures on the populations, to sell
state-owned enterprises to foreign multinationals and give up more and more
of their political independence - those who accept the conditions are
offered more loans and shown as good examples to the rest. Those who do not
are subjected to more subtle economic pressure." The report continues, "In
order to qualify for more aid and loans, the governments in these countries
have implemented one austerity measure after another. The governments have
only refused to implement more measures when it became politically
explosive with workers organising protests and strikes. Yet the IMF has
argued that they have not done enough. The upshot of the austerity measures
has been that these governments have diverted money from development and
expenditure on social services to debt repayments." 

Paraguay 

IMF overview
In last year's annual review of Paraguay's economic programme and
performance, the IMF expresses its disappointment at the Government's
"lacklustre performance" resulting from "the failure to implement needed
structural reforms". They offer the following advice: "Directors
underscored the importance of sequencing structural reforms appropriately
while proceeding with the necessary changes in the civil service and the
social security system. They also expressed concern over the high level of
the minimum wage vis-a-vis Paraguay's major trading partners, and noted
that the rigidities embodied in present labour market arrangements would
become more evident as the economy opened itself to world trade. Directors
therefore urged the authorities to proceed with the necessary labour reforms."
28 September 1999 
In an address to the IMF and World Bank, Federico Antonio Zayas Chirife,
Governor of the Bank for Paraguay, states how "we [Paraguay] wish to
reaffirm here today that the Paraguayan people are committed to defending
our Republic's democracy and its institutions and are willing to undertake
a successful structural transformation of our society and national economy." 
June 2000 
Protesters clash with police in demonstrations against 'non-negotiable' IMF
reforms. Protesters call a 48-hour general strike against the Government's
plans to privatise its telephone, water and railroad companies. In
Asuncion, over 20 people are injured and five arrested as riot police
attack them with truncheons. In a linked protest in the east district, 300
protesters are dispersed with water canons while two buses are set on fire
at the bus terminal. Nearly half of the capital's shops are closed and
residents are transported in military vehicles as protesters block public
transport routes. A presidential spokesperson says that the policies were
'non-negotiable' because the Government needs to meet IMF targets to access
up to $400 million in loans from the World Bank. 

South Africa 

IMF overview 
In this year's annual review of South Africa's economic policies, the IMF
notes "the extremely high level of unemployment" and urges the Government
to accelerate "structural reforms, increase domestic investment, attract
foreign investment, and enhance efficiency". This challenge will require
"faster and deeper implementation of the reforms, most notably in the areas
of labour market reform, trade liberalisation, and privatisation." 
1 February 2000 
The Congress of South African trade unions (COSATU) begins a programme of
mass actions to protest against rising unemployment and labour market
reforms. The strikes are planned to stretch over five weeks and be
staggered over different sectors, beginning with automobile, textile, metal
and leather industries and followed by the public sector. Since the end of
apartheid in 1994, COSATU has helped introduce labour laws which protect
the right of workers. But recent attempts by the Government, encouraged by
the IMF, to implement wage restraint and labour flexibility - in order to
attract foreign investment - have meet widespread opposition. The unions
believe that the Government is liberalising the economy too quickly without
making adequate provision for redundancies and job maximisation. Gerrie
Bezuidenhout, policy executive at SACOB, the South African Chamber of
Business, says, "The government is sticking to what is generally seen as
sound economic policy but the improvement in the economy has not translated
into jobs." Unemployment is estimated at 35 per cent. Recent Government
reforms have been praised by the IMF but have put increasing pressure on
the alliance between COSATU, the ruling ANC party and the South African
Communist Party, risking its continued stability. Government plans include
the amending of labour laws, which the ruling alliance has spent the last
five years putting in place, saying they are too "worker-friendly" and
discourage investment and employment. Opposition leaders believe that
President Mbeki's hard line on leftwing labour activists, his support for
inflation targeting and his plans to accelerate the restructuring of state
assets will jeopardise "the glue that holds together the alliance of the ANC". 
16 April 2000 
Protest outside the meeting of IMF and government officials. One of the
protesters, Trevor Ngwane, a city councillor from the Soweto township,
says, "Many of those debts were used to buy weapons and suppress the people
during apartheid. So we are paying twice for it - once with our lives, and
now with an inability to fund critical social services. Instead of building
health clinics the Government is selling off zoos and libraries to stay in
the good graces of the IMF." 
August 2000 
South Africa's Finance Minister, Trevor Manuel, says that the main
challenge for developing countries is to create an alternative model to
global trade and financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF.
Manuel is chair of the 2000 Annual Meetings in Prague and says he will use
the opportunity to help the cause of developing countries. But he also
notes that "no one has come up with an alternative model so far", and until
developing countries suggest ways of reforming the institutions, they
shouldn't "whinge". 

Zambia 

IMF overview 
The IMF grants a three-year ESAF loan worth US$349 million on 26 March 1999
on the condition that "the Government will increase reforms in the areas of
privatisation, public service, and monetary and banking supervision". On 27
July 2000, the IMF approves an additional US$13.2 million PRGF loan. The
agreement affirms that "the [Zambian] authorities intend to pursue a
prudent monetary policy and to limit the credit to public enterprises [and]
complete the transition to a private-led economy, including the
privatisation of the remaining public utilities and the operations of the
oil sector." 
9 February 2000 
Zambia's President, Frederick Chiluba, blames the IMF for the economic
problems of his country, stating that reforms which were meant to bring
prosperity to the country have only brought unemployment and a rise in
poverty levels. He says that western countries have told Zambia "to do
certain things" to help the economy, which would lead to increased economic
stability. He adds, "Then we are told, No, No, No, Africa needs to embrace
the spirit of partnership with NGOs, but where I come from, ZCTU also wants
increased wages. And then the IMF says do not give them, we do not know
which way to go. The problem we have in Africa is that we are rushing
reforms as if that is the only panacea to the problems." He says that if
reforms are rushed and not understood by the people, they may not help at all.
26 April 2000 
Scores of protesters, demanding an end to IMF SAPs, are dispersed by armed
riot police in Lusaka, Zambia's capital, after trying to picket the hotel
were IMF and government officials are meeting. Organised by a leading civil
society group, Women for Change (WfC), the protesters blame the IMF and
World Bank for continued poverty in their country. "The IMF are killing us,
especially women and children," says Emily Sikazwe of WfC. In a separate
report, Sikazwe explains, "If you want to see the impact of structural
adjustment on Zambia go to the University Teaching Hospital", the capital's
largest hospital. The conditions are awful, she says, and the wards are
full of BIDs (Brought In Dead). She goes on to explain how IMF and World
Bank privatisation policies have resulted in more than 60,000 people losing
their jobs and 420,000 falling into destitution. She says that "SAPs cause
poverty". 
August 2000 
The IMF urges Zambia to put economy ahead of politics. IMF First Deputy
Managing Director, Stanley Fischer, says that Zambia faces hard decisions
ahead of next year's elections and urges the Government not to put politics
ahead of economic sense. "I leave Zambia optimistic but cautious. It is
hard to take bold economic decisions in an election year. It is easy to
throw away what you have built in five years to achieve short-term gain
when the long run needs are very clear." Further information 

Introduction 

'Unwrapping the PRSP: can the IMF deliver its poverty reduction promises?',
World Development Movement, June 2000. 'Still Sapping the poor: a critique
of IMF poverty reduction strategies', World Development Movement, June
2000. Argentina 'IMF approves US$7.2 billion three-year stand-by credit for
Argentina', IMF Press Release, 10 March 2000. 'Argentina memorandum of
economic policies', IMF Press Release, 14 February 2000. 'Argentina leader
gets tough on unions', Financial Times, 20 January 2000. 'Argentina's
labour reform laws passed', Financial Times, 28 April 2000. 'Urgent social
demands weigh upon new president', IPS, 17 May 2000. 'Argentine unions call
for strike to protest IMF austerity plan', AFP, 31 May 2000. 'Government
adjustments trigger massive protest', IPS, 31 May 2000. 'Argentina swept by
wave of despair over economy', Financial Times, 17 August 2000. 'Massive
support for Argentine general strike', BBC News Online, 9 June 2000.
'Argentine teachers and scientists strike', BBC News Online, 29 August
2000. 'Landmark court ruling condemns Argentina's illegitimate debt',
Jubilee 2000, 7 August 2000. Bolivia 'IMF approves three-year arrangement
under the ESAF for Bolivia', IMF Press Release, 18 September 1998. 'IMF
approves second annual PRGF loan for Bolivia', IMF Press Release, 7
February 2000. 'IMF and IDA support US$1.3 billion debt service relief
eligibility for Bolivia under enhanced HIPC', IMF Press Release, 8 February
2000. 'IMF approves second annual PRGF loan for Bolivia', IMF Press
Release, 7 February 2000. 'Cochabamba - water war', Public Services
International Research Unit Reports, June 2000. 'Clashes in Bolivia', BBC
News Online, 5 February 2000. 'Scattered protests in Bolivia', BBC News
Online, 12 April 2000. 'Bolivia protests claim further lives', BBC News
Online, 10 April 2000. 'Banzar, the siege and the market', IPS, 21 April
2000. 'Bolivian civil society asserts demand for involvement in fight for
debt cancellation and poverty reduction', Jubilee 2000, 16 May 2000. Brazil
'Letter of intent from Brazil', IMF Press Release, 20 April 2000. 'IMF
completes Brazil Fifth Review', IMF Press Release, 31 May 2000. 'Brazil
says: take the creditors to court for causing the debt crisis', Jubilee
2000, 29 April 2000. 'One million vote on debt in Brazil', Jubilee 2000, 8
September 2000. 'Brazilian campaigners hold referendum on debt', Jubilee
2000, 1 September 2000. Colombia 'IMF approves three-year extended fund
facility for Colombia', IMF Press Release, 20 December 1999. 'IMF completes
first Colombia review', IMF Press Release, 7 September 2000. Costa Rica
'IMF approves stand-by credit for Costa Rica', IMF Press Release, 29
November 1995. 'IMF concludes Article IV consultation with Costa Rica', IMF
Press Release, 26 October 1999. 'Chip shop afire in Costa Rica', The
Economist, 8 January 2000. 'Costa Rica divided as market reforms do what
wars could not,' Financial Times, 6 April 2000. Ecuador 'IMF approves
stand-by credit for Ecuador', IMF Press Release, 19 April 2000. 'IMF
completes first Ecuador review', IMF Press Release, 28 August 2000.
'Ecuador president imposes state of emergency', Financial Times, 7 January
2000. 'Summers promises help for Ecuador', Financial Times, 10 January
2000. 'Ecuador Indians planning massive protests', Financial Times, 15
January 2000 'Ecuador Congress overrun as Indian protests mounts',
Financial Times, 22 January 2000. 'Ecuador's president flees palace amid
riots', Financial Times, 22 January 2000. 'Ecuador Indians angry at
betrayal', BBC News Online, 23 January 2000. 'Ecuador leader pledges
stability', Financial Times, 25 January 2000. 'IMF loan to Ecuador', SAP
Alert, Globalisation Challenge Initiative, 20 June 2000. 'Noboa adopts
tough stance', Financial Times, 6 June 2000. 'Ecuador faces new economic
protests', BBC News Online, 15 June 2000. 'Strike against dollarization and
IMF', Weekly News Update, Nicaragua Solidarity Network New York, 18 June
2000. 'Ecuador Indians fight dollarisation', Financial Times, 14 June 2000.
'Noboa urges compromise', Financial Times, 26 June 2000. 'Key Ecuador Bill
under the gun', Financial Times, 7 August 2000. 'Ecuador military thwarts
Noboa', Financial Times, 10 August 2000. 'Ecuador's Indians call for
uprising', BBC News Online, 29 August 2000. 'Ecuador switches to US
dollar', BBC New Online, 9 September 2000. 'Coin shortage as Ecuador adopts
dollar', BBC News Online, 12 September 2000. Honduras 'IMF completes second
Honduras review and approves US$21 million loan', IMF Press Release, 7 June
2000. 'IMF and World Bank support debt relief for Honduras', IMF Press
Release, 10 July 2000. 'National Strike protests IMF privatisation
demands', AFP, 29 August 2000. Kenya 'IMF approves poverty reduction and
growth facility loan for Kenya', IMF, 28 July 2000. 'Jubilee 2000 campaigns
protest trial of Kenyan debt campaigners', Jubilee 2000, 18 May 2000.
'Kenyan debt demonstrators rejoice as charges for 'illegal' march are
dropped', Jubilee 2000, 25 May 2000. 'Kenyans reject new World Bank and IMF
lending', News Updates, Bretton Woods Project, April 2000. 'How African
politics consumes its children', The East African (Nairobi), 30 August
2000. 'World Bank pushes Kenya to privatise power companies', The East
African, 30 August 2000. Malawi 'IMF completes review and approves US$10.6
million credit tranche for Malawi', IMF Press Release, 25 October 1999.
'Jubilee 2000 campaigners meet donors in Malawi as protesters face tear
gas', Jubilee 2000, 26 May 2000. Nigeria 'IMF approves stand-by credit for
Nigeria', IMF Press Release, 4 August 2000. 'A matter of time', Newswatch
Nigeria, 12 January 2000. 'IMF oil price increase fuels protests', News
Updates, Bretton Woods Project, April 2000. 'The oil price hike blunder',
Newswatch Nigeria, 22 January 2000. 'Nigeria in grip of general strike',
Financial Times, 10 June 2000. 'The People of Nigeria resist the IMF',
Stop-IMF email list, 19 June 2000. 'Nigerian parliament rejects IMF', News
Updates, Bretton Woods Project, August 2000. 'National Assembly initiates,
debates new privatisation bill', Nigeria Guardian, 16 August 2000. 'Africa
and globalisation', Nigeria Guardian, 15 August 2000. Paraguay 'IMF
concludes Article IV consultation with Paraguay', IMF Press Release, 29
January 1999. 'Statement by the Hon Federico Antonio Zayas Chirife,
Governor of the Bank for Paraguay', Joint Annual Discussion of the Board of
Governors, 28-30 September 1999. 'Violence against strikers protesting IMF
privatisation', Stop-IMF email list, 25 June 2000. South Africa 'IMF
concludes Article IV consultation with South Africa', IMF Press Release, 10
March 2000. 'South African unions in unemployment protest,' Financial
Times, 1 February 2000. 'Mbeki shifts the emphasis to business', Financial
Times, 1 February 2000. 'South African bitterly criticizes IMF policies',
Chicago Tribune, 14 April 2000. 'Searching for a workable solution', IPS,
29 August 2000. Zambia 'IMF approves ESAF loan for Zambia', IMF Press
Release, 26 March 1999. 'IMF completes first review of Zambia under
PRGF-supported programme and approves US$13.2 million disbursement', IMF
Press Release, 27 July 2000. 'IMF reforms have brought poverty', The Post
of Zambia, 9 February 2000. 'IMF faces new round of protests', One World
News Service, 26 April 2000. 'Letter from Zambia', The Nation, 14 February
2000. 'IMF urges Zambia to put economics before politics', Development
News, World Bank, 7 August 2000. add your own comments 

More resistance in Colombia (english) 
by jed - nyc 3:27pm Tue Jan 16 '01 


Great overview! One thing though, Colombia boasts not one, but two,
guerilla armies which support a complete break with international
capitalism. They support ending the crippling debt payments and a path of
rational, self-sufficient national development. Strikes are great, but
political forces who promise to challenge the very governments imposing the
IMF dictates are perhaps the best long term bet for ending the current
corporate monopolies.

add your own comments 

Thank you (english) 
by Lineka 3:14am Wed Jan 17 '01 


This was one of the most helpful posts I've come across in ages. This is
why I love indymedia.

add your own comments 

some more imfornation angles (english) 
by piet 6:42am Wed Jan 17 '01 


www.imfsite.org is a Hoover division but don't let it put you off; they hit
some hard nails there; 

A document from the 30ties lives here: 
http://members.tripod.com/~poetpiet/guest_appearances/kicking_IMF_addictions
.htm 

more googlies for 'poetpiet imf': 

Introduction to all sorts of currency issues 
... test for comprehensivity? Go see what else poetpiet can puzzle people
with here .....or ... info 
in the file called kicking IMF addictions, and me) took most of ... 
members.tripod.com/~poetpiet/guest_appearances/intro_to_currency_issues.htm
- 101k - Cached - Similar pages 

Ode - Treaty of Noordwijk aan Zee 
... Placed by, Topic: kicking IMF addictions and other fine stuff. piet
bouter ... my mailsig: 
http://members.tripod.com/poetpiet/ the punchline pioneer who picks out ... 
www.treatyofnoordwijkaanzee.com/thread.php3?thd=22 - 4k - Cached - Similar
pages 


NGONet Guestbook Entries 
... Subject: emancipatory banking kicks IMF addictions. Body: Please check
out my 
http://members.tripod.com//poetpiet/guest_appearances/intro_to_currency_issu
es.htm ... 
www.ngonet.org/gb.htm - 96k - Cached - Similar pages 

IndyMedia Center Prague - news 
... members.tripod.com/poetpiet. add your comments. ... corporation. The
riots were in the 
interests of the IMF and the World Bank, rioting made the
anti-globalization ... 
prague.indymedia.org/display.php3?article_id=1976 - 37k - Cached - Similar
pages 

<nettime> a draft for the next nato flyer droppings 
... nato flyer droppings; From: "piet bouter" <poetpiet@hotbot.com>; Date:
Sat, 17 Apr ... fallen 
victim (in as far as IMF practise are responsible for their inflation ... 
www.nettime.org/nettime.w3archive/199904/msg00294.html - 11k - Cached -
Similar pages 

PEN-L: jan99 : [PEN-L:2639] Re: Dark musings 
... 1999 09:22:12 -0000 piet bouter (poetpiet@hotbot.com) Dear robbery, if
you ... concentration 
of >*German* investment!) evacuates. The IMF is forced to curtail its ... 
csf.colorado.edu/pen-l/jan99/0726.html - 5k - Cached - Similar pages
members.tripod.com//poetpiet/guest_appea...

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