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Re: MACHO ALERT: Women and World-System (Limits of Libertarianism and Moral Panic Rhetoric) by Mine Aysen Doyran 20 January 2001 19:33 UTC |
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http://ews.ewha.ac.kr/ews/m7acws/9722.htm AJWS Vol. 3 No. 2. pp. 8-29. Contemporary Western Feminist Perspectives on Prostitution Alison M. Jaggar Philosophy and Women's Studies University of Colorado at Boulder Boulder, Colorado Abstract This paper contrasts two prominent positions in contemporary Western feminist discourse about prostitution. The first is radical feminism, which emerged in the early 1970s; the second is libertarian feminism, which emerged in the late 1980s. The paper analyses the underlying assumptions and public policy recommendation of each position; it argues that each illuminates important aspects of the situations of some prostitutes but ignores or denies others. An approach to prostitution capable of providing an adequate guide to public policy must be less dogmatic or "essentialist" than either radical or libertarian feminism; it should investigate how the sex trade operates in specific locations and the varying meanings it has in different cultural contexts. Such investigations must be feminist not only in their commitment to ending the subordination of women but also in their respect for choices made by women who already must often endure not only exploitation but also stigmatization, discrimination and exclusion. In this paper, I sketch two prominent positions in contemporary Western feminist discourse about prostitution, discuss the strengths and inadequacies of each, and conclude by indicating an approach?as opposed to a substantive analysis?that I find more promising. ***The 1990s: Prostitute's Rights and Libertarian Feminism What I call here `libertarian feminism' has roots in several Western cultural tendencies that converge on the issue of prostitution. These tendencies include the increasing strength of a liberal discourse of individual rights, the increasing commodifi-cation of sexuality via pornography, sex shops, and so on,2 the postmodern reclamation of submerged and often stigmatized discourses and, above all, the entry of prostitutes themselves into feminist debate. These new participants not only demand rights as sex-workers but seek to defend prostitution in terms that are explicitly feminist. Some merely make the liberal assertion that the state has no legitimate interest in banning or hampering prostitution because it is harmless but some go further, asserting that prostitution has positive social value and even portraying prostitutes as sexual pioneers and prostitution as a form of political resistance. Those who hold this view have been described as postmodern feminists. I shall start by sketching the weaker defenses of prostitution and then move to the stronger, so-called postmodern, justifications. Many prostitutes' rights advocates contend that prostitution is not as bad as it is painted and certainly no worse than many other socially accepted practices. For instance, they argue that prostitution is better than most jobs available to women because it provides good pay for short hours and considerable control over the work environment. The prostitute is said to decide what services she will and will not supply and how long she will spend with her client, and prostitutes sometimes assert that they get paid for what other women have to give free. In addition to being a better bargain than many other types of paid employment open to women, some have argued that prostitution is better than being married because a prostitute is much more independent than a wife. In defending prostitution as a legitimate profession, libertarian feminists simultaneously assert the agency of prostitutes. Responding to charges that prostitution is a public nuisance and a social embarrassment, they insist that women's right to freedom of speech entitles them to solicit and that women, as well as men, have the right to stand around on street corners; other businesses advertise and women's solicitation of men is a lot less threatening than much male harassment of women. Libertarian feminists acknowledge the limited range of employment opportunities available to women but insist that, within this range, most prostitutes choose their occupation, rather than being forced into it. Thus some Western prostitutes and their feminist advocates are developing a discourse of prostitute empowerment rather than victimization and entrepreneurship rather than exploitation. Some prostitutes emphasize that prostitution provides a needed social service, a kind of sex therapy in a non-judgmental context, asserting that prostitutes really listen to men and are sensitive to the needs of their clients. One prostitute asserted that women should have similar services available to them, implying that prostitution is not, after all, a distinctively gendered institution. Political theorist Shannon Bell argues that, through these sorts of claims, prostitutes are transvaluing accepted values, assigning new meanings to prostitution. "The prostitute is constructed as healer rather than disease producer, as educator rather than degenerate, as sex expert rather than deviant, as business woman rather than commercial object"(Bell, 1994: 100). The fact that prostitutes, hitherto stigmatized and/or excluded from both mainstream and feminist discourses, are now staking their claim to be subjects rather than simply objects of discourse is seen by Bell as a manifestation of post-modernity(Bell, 1994: 100). She analyses prostitutes' public demand for the legal right to be recognized as citizens just like all others not as a demand for equality in spite of difference but a demand for equality based on the distinct difference of being a prostitute. Thus, Bell writes: Prostitutes' rights discourse, by appropriating the rights discourse of hegemonic and feminist liberalism and articulating these rights demands in the context of collective identity politics, transgresses the liberal framework while adhering to it. Identity politics is based on the active affirmation of the experiences, dignity, and rights of historically marginalized or excluded people, going beyond the conventional liberal construction of all human beings as essentially the same and therefore entitled to the same(abstract) rights(Bell, 1994: 100). Just beneath the surface of prostitutes' apparently liberal demand for legal rights and equality, Bell asserts, there exists "a doubly transgressive ethical gesture: an affirmation of a negative identity and a revaluation of values through the recognition of commercial sex as being just as valid and worthy as noncommercial sex"(Bell, 1994: 101). This interpretation of prostitutes' rights discourse focuses on the counter-hegemonic aspects of prostitution. It construes prostitution as making a positive `pro-sex' political statement, undermining narrow, anti-sexual, so-called `politically correct' values. For instance, prostitution is said to assert tacitly that extramarital sex, anonymous sex, recreational sex and sexual novelty and variety are morally unobjectionable; it is also said to challenge the stereotype that women should have only one partner. For this reason, one prostitute representative, Margo St. James of the prostitutes' rights organization, COYOTE(Call Off Your Tired Old Ethics), declares, "Prostitutes are the only emancipated women." Bell identifies the prostitute as a new political subject, engaging in the radical democratic struggle for the extension of equality to more and more areas of life. One aspect of this struggle involves a new understanding of prostitution: whereas liberals and Marxists conceptualize prostitution as work and radical feminists conceptualize it as sexual abuse, prostitutes' rights advocates portray prostitution as a self-determined activity midway between sex and work, sometimes as a kind of sexual performance art. Although presenting prostitution as work is the discursive strategy most likely to be effective in influencing government policies and social attitudes, the International Committee for Prostitutes' Rights(ICPR) identified the sale of sex as an act of "sexual self-determination, linked with the right to refuse and to initiate sex, the right to use birth control(including abortion) the right to have lesbian sex, and the right to have sex across lines of color and class"(Bell, 1994: 110). Bell regards prostitutes' public sexual performances as having special significance and she characterizes these performers as "sacred carnival theorists of the female body." Her analysis links up with claims made by others, such as stripper Amber Cook, that sexual entertainers are artists because they get to define what is erotic, to express their own sexuality, and often find the work creative and empowering. One chapter of Bell's book describes the work of six North American prostitute performance artists, whom she sees as reunifying the sacred and the obscene in the same female body(Bell, 1994: 137). In Bell's interpretation, these performers, "reconstitute themselves in the performance medium as living embodiments of resistance, re-mapping, redefining, and reclaiming the deviant body, the body of the sexual outsider and social outcast"(Bell, 1994: 139). Prostitute performance presents a particular female body, the body that dominant discourse and feminist discourse have marked as the obscene, the other, from the position of this body-speaking. Yet the artist is not only this body, or even primarily this body; she is many things at once: an artist/actress, erotic/sexual being, intellectual/critic, political/social commentator(Bell, 1994: 142). Thus, "Partly, prostitute performance art is about the refusal to fit into predetermined categorizations; prostitute artists use their bodies as sites of resistance to reunify what patriarchy has pulled apart"(Bell, 1994: 142). Convergence and Contrasts in Feminist Public Policy Recommendations Despite fundamental disagreements in their conceptualizations of sex work, the policy recommendations of radical and libertarian feminists are not entirely opposed to each other. For instance, radical and libertarian feminists do not necessarily disagree about directions for long term social change: as feminists, both can agree that the range of livelihood options available to women should be broadened by eliminating the distinctively gendered constraints on women's employment opportunities, including inferior education and disproportionate domestic responsibilities. Nor do radical and libertarian feminists disagree on every aspect of current policy: all feminists agree that forced prostitution is indefensible and there is no controversy about the need to enforce immediately the numerous international treaties against trafficking, including trafficking in children. Feminists can also agree that states should establish shelters for women fleeing prostitution, as for battered women. All feminists must insist that these shelters not be punitive but rather offer rehabilitation and retraining programs, similar to those sometimes provided for other groups such as high school drop outs, runaways and drug abusers--some of whom are also prostitutes. It should also be uncontroversial that women should never be forced to enter or remain in the shelters against their will. With regard to the situation in which prostitutes defend their right to pursue their trade, radical and libertarian feminists also come together in opposing conservative recommendations to prohibit and thus criminalize prostitution, even though they have different reasons for their views. The majority of radical feminists who oppose prohibition do so because they regard the prostitute as a victim and do not want to penalize her further; they believe that prohibiting and thus criminalizing prostitution is likely to produce disastrous consequences for the many women who, for whatever reasons, would continue to engage in sex work. In addition to making it more difficult for women in prostitution to earn a living, prohibition increases their vulnerability to arrest and prosecution, thus making them more susceptible to blackmail and possibly more dependent on their pimps. However, a few radical feminists find even de-criminalization problematic because it presumes a distinction between forced and chosen prostitution whose validity they deny(Barry, 1995, cited by Ferguson, 1997).? Libertarian feminists oppose prohibition for the entirely different reason that, in their view, it is an infringement of the prostitute's right to practise her trade; hence, they vigorously resist any proposals to ban prostitution for the protection of the prostitutes, proposals which they regard as paternalistic and disingenuous. They note that no one suggests closing the subways or cabs at night because passengers or cabdrivers may be attacked. They acknowledge that prostitutes sometimes are attacked but so, they point out, are other women; indeed, most battering occurs in long-term relationships. They assert that the violence prostitutes endure is mostly a result of the low-status and illegality of the occupation. On the libertarian feminist analysis, the main problem with prostitution is not the nature of the work but rather the laws that interfere with prostitutes' practice of their trade and discriminate against them. Laws against advertising, for instance, force prostitutes on to the street where laws against solicitation violate their freedom of expression without threatening men's freedom to harass women. Laws against brothels make it possible for landlords to blackmail prostitutes and laws against pimping isolate prostitutes socially and deprive them of domestic companionship. Labeling women as prostitutes deprives them of many civil rights; such women may lose custody of their children, be deported if they are immigrants, lose the chance of any other employment so that they are trapped in prostitution, and be refused entry to other countries either as tourists or immigrants. If the violence endured by prostitutes results primarily from the low status of their occupation and the legal restrictions on it, which libertarian feminists view as a form of sex discrimination, the policy solution is clear: prostitution should be made respectable by being professionalized. It should be recognized as a decent and honorable occupation, like any other. It is at this point that the divergence in their respective public policy recommendations finally reflects the deep disagreements between the perspectives of radical and libertarian feminism. Libertarian feminists advocate the legalization and state regulation of prostitution, moves which would maintain a minimum standard of working conditions, make contracts for service and payment enforceable and generally legitimate prostitution, raising its status and making it more like any other job. Radical feminists object that legalizing prostitution and taxing it on the same basis as any other work would express the state's acceptance of prostitution and its willingness to benefit from sex work, thus normalizing the sexual exploitation of women. They also note that the legalization of prostitution would create a permanent public record identifying women who had ever engaged in prostitution. Thus, despite their shared opposition to legal prohibition, radical and libertarian feminists sharply disagree on what policies should be recommended in situations where the coercion of prostitutes, if it exists, is not unmistakable or incontestable. Basically, libertarian feminists support the professionalization of prostitution whereas radical feminists advocate at most a grudging and temporary tolerance. The Limits of Radical and Libertarian Feminism Despite their concurrence in advocating the decriminalization of prostitution, radical and libertarian feminists offer portrayals of sex work and sex workers that are so opposed as to be the inverse of each other. According to one portrayal, the prostitute is a degraded sexual object whereas according to the other, she is a powerful sexual subject; on one view, the prostitute is a disempowered sexual victim, on the other, a practitioner of a sacred craft; one analysis presents prostitution as the provision of `nourishing, life-giving' sexual services, the other as a trade that is debasing, dangerous and ultimately deadly. Both accounts are, in my view, simplistic, reductionist and quite inadequate for feminism. Libertarian feminists sound extremely parochial when their analysis is applied to a global context. They largely ignore the enormous and rapidly growing international and worldwide traffic in women--and girls--for prostitution, including sex tourism, and forced marriage. The 1995 Human Rights Watch Global Report on Women's Human Rights focuses on the well-documented traffic in women from Burma to Thailand, Nepal to India, and Bangladesh to Pakistan, although these are certainly not the only countries involved in such traffic. The report finds that this traffic relies on slavery-like practices, illegal confinement, forced labor, debt-bondage, and torture. Such traffic is forbidden, of course, by national laws, as well as by many international conventions since the Convention on the Suppression of Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others first denounced trafficking in persons in 1949. Despite these bans and treaties, Human Rights Watch has found that many state parties fail to protect women and girls from coerced trafficking and forced prostitution or fail to prosecute vigorously those who commit such abuse(Human Rights Watch, 1995: 199). Many police officers and other local government officials facilitate and profit from the trade in women and girls: for a price, they ignore abuses that occur in their jurisdictions; protect the traffickers, brothel owners, pimps, clients and buyers from arrest; and serve as enforcers, drivers and recruiters. If a woman is taken across national borders, immigration officials frequently aid and abet her passage(Human Rights Watch, 1995: 196). Prostitutes in these coercive situations have little access to medical care and are extremely vulnerable to injury and disease. They are especially likely to suffer from sexually transmitted diseases(STDs), including HIV infection, because they are not allowed to negotiate the terms of sex. The AIDS pandemic has actually encouraged forced prostitution in countries such as Thailand and India, where clients fear of infection has led traffickers to recruit younger women and girls, sometimes as young as ten, from remote areas perceived to be unaffected by AIDS. Human Rights Watch found that of the nineteen Burmese women and girls they interviewed who had been tested for HIV, fourteen were found to be positive(Human Rights Watch, 1995: 225). If prostitutes are not infected directly by clients, they may be infected through the needles used to give them contraceptive injections. The libertarian feminist analysis is inadequate even if its range of applicability is restricted to sex work in the West. Just as it ignores the situations of many prostitutes in Eastern Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America, so it also ignores the situations of many prostitutes, often illegal immigrants, who are held in slave-like conditions in many large cities across North America. It similarly dismisses the voices of many Western prostitutes, such as the voices of women in WHISPER(Women Harmed in Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt), a North American grass-roots movement that is both local and national but not international. Like prostitutes' rights organizations, WHISPER is a first-person movement based on women's experience in prostitution but it relies on a radical feminist analysis which portrays prostitution entirely as sexual exploitation and aims at getting women out of "the life"(Bell, 1995: 123-4). WHISPER "recognizes all commodification of women's bodies for sexual exchange as violations of human dignity and therefore of human rights"(Bell, 1995: 125). It insists that prostitution is "a system of violence against women," so that all prostitutes are battered women. Consideration of such situations reveals the limits of libertarian feminist analysis. It is true that the North American based International Committee on Prostitutes Rights(ICPR) explicitly recognizes that Western prostitution is shaped by the interconnections among racism, capitalism, and patriarchy so that in the United States, for instance, "of the 10 to 20 percent of prostitutes who are street workers, 40 percent are women of color; 55 percent of women arrested are women of color; and 85 percent of prostitutes in jail are women of color"(Bell, 1995: 111). The ICPR also recognizes that "Prostitution exists, at least in part, because of the subordination of women in most societies." But, as Bell notes, the libertarian feminist discourse of prostitutes' rights is inherently incapable of addressing the social structures shaping Western prostitution, which produce its characteristic gender, class and race inequalities(Bell, 1995: 111). Within the libertarian framework, the market is the only means for prostitutes to achieve economic and sexual self-determination. Radical feminism, of course, emphasizes just those harms and constraints which are neglected by liberal feminists and it is precisely the exclusivity of its focus on harms and constraints which provokes much criticism. Central to the radical feminist analysis is the denial of any distinction between forced and voluntary prostitution, a denial which grounds radical feminism's refusal to recognize prostitution as a profession(Barry, 1986-87: 1). Libertarian feminists insist that it is condescending and disrespectful to dismiss prostitutes' declarations that they chose their occupation by asserting that in fact they were psychologically coerced or `brainwashed.' Since everyone's choices are surely influenced by unconscious processes, why should prostitutes' decisions be singled out for skeptical challenge? Libertarian feminists charge that it is similarly condescending and disrespectful to claim that prostitutes are controlled by male pimps, when in fact the women may regard the men as their lovers. Although radical feminists see themselves as working to `rescue' or rehabilitate prostitutes, it is paradoxical that the radical feminist invalidation and dismissal of many prostitute voices replicate the marginalization and exclusion of prostitutes, practiced by the dominant society. In consequence, many prostitutes regard the radical feminist analysis of prostitution as dogmatic, insulting and paternalistic. Feminist solidarity, in their view, is better expressed by supporting sex workers' demands than by insisting on `rescuing' women who do not regard themselves as in need of rescue. Beyond Dogmatism Although the radical and libertarian feminist perspectives on prostitution are opposed to each other in substance, they share a common methodological fault, a fault that Western feminists often call `essentialism.' Essentialism consists in refusing to recognize counter examples to universal claims and this dogmatism can be observed in both radical and libertarian feminist arguments. In addition to their shared essentialism, I suggest that both radical and libertarian feminist perspectives romanticize prostitutes as outcasts, victims or rebels; in so doing, they follow a long Western tradition of romanticizing as outsiders marginalized people such as drug users, runaways and the homeless, people who in fact are often not only poor but also emotionally disturbed and desperate. Kamala Kempadoo has investigated prostitution in the Caribbean and neither of the two feminist models I have discussed here is adequate to make sense of her findings. She observes that many women in the Caribbean frequently choose sexual labor as one among several income generating strategies to supplement other sources of livelihood, such as domestic service, factory work, or teaching(Kempadoo, 1996-7: 50). Thus, many women who engage in sexual labor in the Caribbean are not desperately poor or entrapped as radical feminism portrays them; but, as they juggle their roles as mothers, wives, teachers and so on, they are also far from assuming the heroic identity of the sexual rebel. Many prostitutes conform neither to the radical nor the libertarian analysis: they are neither entirely free nor completely enslaved. Like most people, they choose between a limited range of options and like most of us, they would benefit from having their range of options enlarged. Because prostitutes' situations are not all similar, addressing the controversy over appropriate policy requires attention to particular cases. Rather than beginning with a set of a priori assumptions about prostitution, the commonalities and differences between various practices in various locations need to be investigated empirically, in order to determine the likely consequences of the different policy options. However, these investigations must pursue feminist questions and be guided by feminist methods. Western feminist work since about 1980 has been very much preoccupied with the issue of difference among women, especially, although not exclusively, racial/ethnic difference. One interesting feature of Kempadoo's work is the light it sheds on the importance of the racial/ethnic identity of prostitutes to their clients, a factor neglected hitherto in many analyses of prostitution. Kempadoo finds that a specific `racial' category of woman is eroticized in the Caribbean: the `sensual mulatta' of mixed African-European descent was the object of the sexual fantasies of European colonizers and today she is preferred by the predominantly black Caribbean clientele. Kempadoo observes that large proportions of women in the global sex trade are culturally, nationally or ethnically different from their clients. Sex tourism, of course, relies on the attraction of local women to foreign men and we have seen already that many of the prostitutes in Thailand, India and Pakistan come from elsewhere in Asia. The BBC reports that increasing numbers of the prostitutes in Beijing come from Eastern Europe, Russia or Vietnam. In the late1980s,approximately 60% of the prostitutes in the Netherlands were from Third World countries; in the 1990s, an increasing percentage are from Eastern Europe. Fifty percent of the prostitutes in Paris are immigrants. Kempadoo argues that contemporary prostitution cannot be understood without an analysis of how the global migration of sex workers capitalizes on the exoticization of foreign women and the symbolic meanings that sex with women from different cultures has for their clients, especially meanings involving racial and national power and dominance. For instance, it has been suggested that Korean men's prostitution of Thai women expresses a symbolic conquest of the Thai nation. Thus feminist investigations into prostitution must not only explore the range of options available to women but also be sensitive to the specific historical context of the sex trade in particular locations as well as to the range of meanings that sex work has both for prostitutes and their clients. One necessary condition of this investigative work being acceptable to feminists is that the investigators must listen sympathetically but critically to the voices of the prostitutes themselves. Such listening does not mean that investigators should take everything they say at face value, given that prostitutes, like other people, generally desire to present themselves in the best possible light. The investigators must be aware that some prostitutes may wish to rationalize their work as voluntary and dignified, concealing its abusive and degrading aspects; they should realize that other prostitutes may seek to evade responsibility for their decisions by presenting themselves as helpless victims. Those investigating prostitution must neither dismiss nor romanticize the words of prostitutes. Although empirical research is necessary to interrogate the sweeping assumptions often made by those who discuss prostitution, yet it is not sufficient to settle the controversies over the formulation of public policies. Adequate evaluation of the varying policy options cannot be determined in ignorance of the social facts of prostitution but neither can it rely exclusively on empirical research, since such research raises rather than resolves a number of difficult conceptual and ethical as well as methodological questions. One cluster of conceptual questions, often seen as the province of philosophy, concerns individual autonomy or freedom: given that choices are always made within a specific social context, at what point do inevitable social constraints and unavoidably limited social options become so constraining and limiting as to be coercive? Another large cluster of ethical questions concerns sexuality: is sex work intrinsically or morally different from other kinds of work? Is sexual objectification or the eroticization of dominance and subordination harmless in certain contexts? Is sex morally respectable only if linked with intimacy and love, or may it also be accepted as a means of recreation and pleasure or as a means of honorable livelihood? How is gender produced and reproduced in various sexual activities? What are the links between sexuality and women's subordination? On the me-thodological level, we must ask how we may respect speakers while remaining aware of the possibility that they are mistaken or self-deceived? On the level of feminist social analysis, we must consider how to evaluate practices that may have both repressive and emancipatory aspects. Which decisions are private and which are political? Above all, what is collaboration with the subordination of women and what is resistance to it? Future feminist thinking about prostitution must address these questions. Notes 1. These arguments appear to be supported by the fact that average age of entry into prostitution is fourteen(Weisburg, 1996: 94). 2. In the United States, the commodification of sexuality is to some extent counterbalanced by the conservative `family values' movement but this movement is often so virulently misogynist and heterosexist that it holds little attraction for Western feminists, although they have occasionally made alliances with it, most notably around the issue of pornography. 3. Because radical feminists regard prostitutes as coerced, they believe that even if decriminalization is accepted for humanitarian reasons, it is necessary to retain bans on solicitation, pimping and harboring in order to protect prostitutes from those who exploit them; in contrast, libertarian feminists, such as the Canadian Organization of Prostitutes(CORP), argue that such bans would deprive prostitutes of freedom of speech, a place of work, domestic relationships and intimate companionship. References Barry, Kathleen(1995), The Prostitution of Sexuality, New York: New York University Press. _______________(1986-7), "UNESCO Report Studies Prostitution," WHISPER Newsletter, 1: 3. Bell, Shannon(1994), Reading, Writing, and Rewriting the Prostitute Body, Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Delacoste, B. Frederique and Priscilla Alexander(eds.)(1987), Sex Work: Writing by Women in the Sex Industry, Pittsburgh: Cleis Press. Ferguson, Ann(1997), "Prostitution as a Morally Risky Practice from the Point of View of Feminist Radical Pragmatism"(forthcoming), Daring to be Good: Essays in Feminist Ethico-Politics, eds. Bat-Ami Bar-On and Ann Ferguson, New York: Routledge. Giobbe, Evelina(1994), "Confronting the liberal lies about prostitution"(abridged version), Living With Contradictions, ed. Alison Jaggar, Boulder: Westview Press: 120-126; The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, eds. Dorchen Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond(1990), Tarrytown, NY: Pergamon Press: 67-81. Goldman, Emma(1917/1970), The Traffic in Women, New York: Times Change Press. Human Rights Watch Women's Rights Project(1995), Global Report on Women's Human Rights, New York, Washington, Los Angeles, London, Brussels: Human Rights Watch. Jaggar, Alison M.(1994), "Prostitution"(abridged version), Living With Contradictions, ed. Alison M. Jaggar, Boulder: Westview Press. Kempadoo, Kamala(1996-7), "Sandoms and Other Exotic Women: Prostitution and Race in the Caribbean," Race and Reason 1. Pateman, Carol(1994), What's Wrong with Prostitution?" Living With Contradictions, ed. Alison M. Jaggar, Boulder: Westview Press. Pheterson, Gail(1989), Vindication of the Rights of Whores, San Francisco: The Seal Press. ______________(1996), The Prostitution Prism, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Weisberg, D. Kelly(ed.)(1996), Applications of Feminist Legal Theory to Women's Lives, Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Copyright(c) 1997 by the Asian Center for Women's Studies. All rights reserved. Shop online without a credit card http://www.rocketcash.com RocketCash, a NetZero subsidiary
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