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Opening Kosovo to foreign capital by Mine Aysen Doyran 18 January 2001 19:46 UTC |
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State terror and the "free market"
Opening Kosovo to foreign capital
by Michel Chossudovsky (3-3-00)
Copyright March, 2000. Please see end of article for
conditions-for-use
(Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics at the University of
Ottawa and author of The Globalization of Poverty, Impacts of IMF
and World Bank Reforms, Third World Network, Penang and Zed
Books, London, 1997.)
www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
In occupied Kosovo under the mandate of UN peace-keeping, State
terror and the "free market" go hand in hand. The concurrent
criminalization of State institutions is not incompatible with the
West’s
economic and strategic objectives in the Balkans. Notwithstanding the
massacres of civilians, the self-proclaimed KLA administration has
committed itself to establishing a "secure and stable environment" for
foreign investors and international financial institutions.
The Minister of Finance Adem Grobozci and other representatives of
the provisional government invited to the various donor conferences
are all KLA appointees. In contrast, members of the KDL of Ibrahim
Rugova (in duly elected parliamentary elections) were not even
invited to attend the Stabilization Summit in Sarajevo in July 1999.
More recently UNMIK Head Bernanrd Kouchner has called for the
dissolution of Rugaova’s parliament.
"Free market reforms" have been envisaged for Kosovo under the
supervision of the Bretton Woods institutions largely replicating the
structures of the Rambouillet agreement. Article I (Chapter 4a) of the
Rambouillet Agreement stipulated that: "The economy of Kosovo
shall function in accordance with free market principles". The KLA
government will largely be responsible for implementing these reforms
and ensuring that loan conditionalities are met.
In close liaison with NATO, the Washington based financial
institutions had already analyzed the consequences of an eventual
military intervention leading to the occupation of Kosovo: almost a
year prior to the beginning of the War, the World Bank conducted
"simulations" which "anticipated the possibility of an emergency
scenario arising out of the tensions in Kosovo". 1
While the bombing was still ongoing, the World Bank and the
European Commission were given a special mandate for
"coordinating donors' economic assistance in the Balkans"2. The
underlying terms of reference did not exclude Yugoslavia from
receiving donor support. It was, however, clearly stipulated that
Belgrade would be eligible for reconstruction loans "once political
conditions there change".3.
With regard to Kosovo, the World Bank rather than providing loans to
rebuild the province’s infrastructure has focussed its intervention on
providing "assistance in designing the reconstruction and recovery
program" as well as so-called "policy advice in economic
management" and "institution building" namely "governance" 4. In
other words, an army of lawyers and consultants have been sent in to
ensure Kosovo’s transition to a "thriving, open and transparent
market economy." 5
Support granted to the KLA provisional government would be geared
towards "the establish[ment] [of] transparent, effective and
sustainable institutions" 6. An "enabling environment" for foreign
capital is to be established alongside suitably devised "social safety
nets" and "poverty alleviation programs".
Meanwhile, Yugoslav State banks operating in Pristina have been
closed down. The Deutschmark has been adopted as legal tender and
the banking system has been handed over to Germany’s
Commerzbank A.G which is the sole private shareholder in Micro
Enterprise Bank (MEB) formed in early 2000 at the initiative of the
World Bank’s International Finance Corporation (IFC), the European
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) together with the
Nederlandse Financierings-Maatschappij voor Ontwikkelingslanden
(FMO), Germany’s Internationale Micro Investitionen (IMI) and
Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (KfW). Commerzbank AG will gain
control over commercial banking functions for the province including
money transfers and foreign exchange transactions.7
The Trebca Mines
The "reconstruction" of Kosovo financed by international debt largely
purports to transfer Kosovo’s extensive wealth in mineral resources
and coal to multinational capital. In this regard, the KLA had already
occupied (pending their privatization) the largest coal mine at
Belacevac in Dobro Selo northwest of Pristina. In turn, foreign capital
had its eyes riveted on the massive Trepca mining complex which
constitutes "the most valuable piece of real estate in the Balkans,
worth at least $5 billion." 8 The Trebca complex not only includes
copper and large reserves of zinc but also cadmium, gold, and silver.
It
has several smelting plants, 17 metal treatment sites, a power plant
and Yugoslavia’s largest battery plant. Northern Kosovo also has
estimated reserves of 17 billion tons of coal and lignite.
The management of some of the State owned enterprises and public
utilities were taken over by KLA appointees. In turn, the leaders of
the Provisional Government of Kosovo (PGK) have become "the
brokers" of multinational capital committed to handing over the
Kosovar economy at bargain prices to foreign investors.
In the wake of the bombings, the Zvecan smelter (belonging to the
Trebca Complex) located northwest of Mitrovica, however, remained
under Serb management.9 In July 1999, UNMIK head of mission
Bernard Kouchner issued a decree to the effect that: "UNMIK shall
administer movable or immovable property, including monetary
accounts, and other property of, or registered in the name of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or the Republic of Serbia or any of its
organs, which is in the territory of Kosovo".10 .
In November 1999, the International Crisis Group(ICG) a think tank
supported by Financier George Soros, issued a paper on "Trepca:
Making Sense of the Labyrinth" which advised the United Nations
Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) "to take over the Trepca mining
complex from the Serbs as quickly as possible and explained how this
should be done" prior to their eventual privatization.11
Meanwhile, the George Soros Foundation for an Open Society had
opened a branch office in Pristina establishing the Kosovo Foundation
for an Open Society (KFOS) as part of the Soros’ network of
"non-profit foundations" in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the
former Soviet Union. Together with the World Bank’s Post Conflict
Trust Fund, the Kosovo Open Society Foundation (KOSF) will be
providing "targeted support" for "the development of local
governments to allow them to serve their communities in a
transparent, fair, and accountable manner."12 Since most of these
local governments are in the hands of KLA appointees, this program
is unlikely to meet its declared objective. Out of the 20 million
dollars
budget for this program, only one million dollars is being provided by
the World Bank.
NOTES
1. World Bank Development News, Washington, 27 April 1999.
2 World Bank Group Response to Post Conflict Reconstruction in
Kosovo: General Framework For an Emergency Assistance Strategy,
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/kosovo/kosovo_st.htm undated).
3. Ibid
4. Ibid
5. Ibid
6 World Bank, The World Bank's Role in Reconstruction and
Recovery in Kosovo,
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/pb/pbkosovo.htm, undated)
7. International Finance Corporation (IFC), International Consortium
Backs Kosovo's First Licensed Bank,
http://www.ifc.org/ifc/pressroom/Archive/2000/00_90/00_90.html Press
Release, Washington, 24 January 2000.
8. New York Times, July 8, 1998, report by Chris Hedges.
9.See Diana Johnstone, How it is done, Taking over the Trepca
Mines: Plans and Propaganda,
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/Johnstone/howitis.htm
Emperors Clothes, 28 February 2000.
10. Quoted in Johnstone, op. cit.
11. See Johnstone, op cit. For the ICG report see
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/Johnstone/icg.htm
12. World Bank, KOSF and World Bank, World Bank Launches First
Kosovo Project, Washington,
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/extme/097.htm November 16,
1999 News Release No. 2000/097/ECA.
C Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, Ottawa, February 2000. All
rights reserved. Permission is granted to post this text on
noncommercial community internet sites, provided the essay remains
intact and the copyright note is displayed. The text can also be
photocopied for non-commercial distribution. To publish this text in
printed and/or other forms contact the author at
chossudovsky@videotron.ca or fax: 1-514-4256224.
--
Mine Aysen Doyran
Ph.D Student
Department of Political Science
SUNY at Albany
Nelson A. Rockefeller College
135 Western Ave.; Milne 102
Albany, NY 12222
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