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Letter to Peace Now
by KSamman
01 November 2000 01:26 UTC
Greeting,
This is an excellent essay written by a Jew criticizing Peace Now for
becoming a supporter of the Israeli Death machine. For those who don't
know it, Peace Now has effectively turned on the Palestinians and joined
right wing Jewish demonstrators in NY by blaming the violence on Palestinians.
Khaldoun
--------------------------------------------------------
The Party is Over
An Open Letter To A Friend In Peace Now
by Michael (Mikado) Warschawski
It has been seven years exactly since I wrote my last letter to you.
It was the day after the signing of the Oslo Accords, when you
invited me to dance with you in Menorah Square, celebrating an
Israeli-Palestinian peace that had not yet acquired the
suffix "process." Permit me to quote for you a few passages from that
old letter:
"You danced in the square because you were happy about this peace.
Not just plain peace, but a blend of peace, security, Palestinian
chest-beating over sins committed (renunciation of terrorism), and
far-reaching concessions by the other side. A peace that you can be
proud of. A peace -- so you boast -- for which we are giving nothing
('Just a tiny bit,' whispers the prime minister) and gaining much:
recognition, greater security, a halt to the Intifada, renunciation
of terrorism, being relieved of the Arabs, and more.
You are happy about this peace, and in its honor you invite me to
dance with you. No thank you.
"Ever since I've known you, fifteen years already, you have struggled
for peace, not as a value in itself but as a means of assuring us,
the Israelis, of security. You are in favor of withdrawal from the
Occupied Territories in order to assure Israel a Jewish majority; you
demonstrated against Sharon because you were concerned for the soul
of the Jewish youth; and you agreed to talk with the PLO lest we be
compelled to talk with Hamas. I, by contrast, see peace as an end and
not merely as a means, and call for getting out of the Occupied
Territories because we have nothing to be there for, even if the
occupation did not cost us even one victim or one cent; and
I am against shooting children -- and adults -- simply because it is
forbidden to shoot children or ordinary civilians.
"So what could be better for you than this peace? You got rid of
Gaza, you separated Israelis from Palestinians, you gave them the
dirty work and you didn't even promise withdrawal or a real state.
Could peace possible be bought more cheaply? To you the Israeli-
Palestinian connection was always a zero-sum game: anything we give
them means less for us. He gains, I lose. If you were capable of
really thinking in terms of peace, you would understand how far wrong
you are: the more rights the Palestinian receive -- more
independence, more pride -- the more we too profit. The more stingy
we are, the more we lose..
"Nevertheless, the two of us are now committed to the same campaign:
to bring about the full implementation of the Oslo agreement, in
hopes that the new arrangements will prepare the ground for a true
peace between Israel and the Palestinians. 'In hopes,' I say, because
unlike you I do not rely on 'historical necessity' nor on Yitzhak
Rabin and his government. Regarding Rabin and his government, you
will agree with me that the burden of proof rests on not on my
shoulders but on yours.."
Since the writing of these lines you celebrated the peace and you
became fat and prosperous. The repeated and varied violations of the
agreements did not move you, not to speak of any change in our
culture of war and occupation, the arrogant tone of those negotiating
in our name and their attempts to demand more and more in exchange
for less and less. And why should this move you? You got what you
wanted -- separation, security, economic prosperity for the members
of your class, validation from the international community and the
ability to look at yourself in the mirror again with a feeling a
satisfaction and self-righteousness -- and for a dime. The orders of
the day were orders of reconciliation with the settlers, and you
endeavored to explain to whatever Palestinian friends you still had
that if they want peace they had better take into account the
requirements of internal Israeli reconciliation. Otherwise they will
receive nothing except another disaster on their people as happened
in 1948, etc. You did not demand sincere negotiations with the
Palestinians and went along with the salami system, and when we told
you that this will not work and that a war will surely break out
again, you answered: 'If they want, they'll get, and if not that's
their problem.' Because for you a war of conquest is preferable to a
civil war.
"After all the dancing and rounds of applause for the architects of
the agreement, are you prepared, along with me, to take to the
streets in order to make sure that the prime minister does not get
cold feet again, but does everything he can to get the agreement
implemented? As one who is not obligated by Arafat's signature, are
you prepared to demand that the issue of the settlements be dealt
with starting now since, perhaps unlike Arafat you and I know that
there is no possibility of advancement without immediately dealing
with the settlements. Are you prepared, along with us, to demand more
freedom and more rights for the residents of the West Bank, even if
this isn't written in the agreement -- out of concern for their
human rights, or perhaps just because this too is a condition for
advancement? Will you join us in demanding the release of the masses
of political prisoners, or will you say, like Rabin, 'You didn't ask,
we didn't promise, now it's too late.'
"I fear that again it will be just us -- my friends and I -- alone in
this campaign, and that the entire job of making sure this agreement -
- which is far from satisfying to us -- gets implemented, will fall
on us as well." And that's the way it really was. In your eyes we
were again dreamy leftists or worse, warmongers, enemies of
peace. "You demand even more than Arafat;" "Let the government
conduct the negotiations;" as well as "We have to consider the right-
wing voters." For all your listening to our dear brothers and sisters
in the settlements of Ofra and Tapuah, you stopped hearing the voices
coming from Gaza and Nablus, from Dura and Kalkiliya. And, indeed,
why listen to them? In peace as in war you determine what is
good for us and what the reasonable borders are in a future
agreement. In all your colonial arrogance you determine as well the
Palestinians' text in the script of peace. Since 1993 you and your
friends have been enjoying the fruits of peace, and the Palestinians
await the fulfillment of your promises of withdrawal, of
independence, of sovereignty, of freedom. They wait under
an occupation, they wait under closure, and you celebrate and eat the
fruits of peace. How long did you think that could last?
And lo and behold, to your surprise, they're not reciting the lines
you wrote for them but their own script, and it is spoiling your
show. The truth is that the Palestinians, and not only the Left and
the Islamic Movements, but also the official spokespeople, never hid
for a moment their red lines and their conditions. But, as I've said,
you didn't see any need to listen because, after all, you are the
exclusive director of the peace show.
You are angry today, you are boiling with rage: Why demonstrations
all of a sudden? Why the sudden demands for sovereignty over
Jerusalem? Why the demand to evacuate all the settlements? What is
all this hate against the army, Barak, the Israeli peace camp? Who
gave those Palestinians the right to depart from the script and
recite a different text? What ingratitude, after all you were willing
to give them, after seven years of peace happenings funded by the
European countries!
Once more you tell them "don't come looking for me." Don't come
looking for me because I've returned to the bosom of the consensus in
order to defend my people and my homeland. The truth is that you
haven't returned to any consensus because you never left it. You have
never stopped working for national reconciliation with the worst
enemies of peace. And by the way, as regards this reconciliation
effort in which you became so prominent after Rabin's assassination,
the Right understood very quickly that not only that you have no
ideological backbone or morals, but to what degree you are a
sucker. Like every extortionist in cheap detective films, the Right
understandthat cowards like you can be extorted endlessly. As much as
you were ready tpay to avoida civil war, the Right demanded more:
from East Jerusalem you came down to Abu Dis, from Abu Dis to Hizma,
from Hisma to Beitunia. Today you are ready to die for Psagot and
Netzarim. Excuse me, not to die, to murder for brothers and sisters
who settled in the heart of Gaza for the sole purpose to frustrate
any possibility for peace.
The other day in a meeting in Jerusalem, one of your comrades from
Meretz, from among the best and most honest of them, said: "I am
confused." In light of the lack of confusion from you and most of
your friends, I wanted to compliment him on his confusion. But I
remembered the pictures I saw that day on television, the same media
that is hostile to human rights, to intellectual honesty and to
journalistic ethics, and I refused to be lenient with him, to be
understanding towards his confusion. What is there to be
confused about? A conquering army is using tanks and helicopter
gunships to disperse demonstrations. What is so hard to understand
here?
Seven years of deception and violations of agreements, and the
Palestinians rise up. What is so hard to grasp? Barak threatens to
impose Jewish sovereignty on the Haram/Temple Mount in Jerusalem, and
they refuse to accept it as a permanent solution. What is so hard to
understand? There is no place for confusion. There is an occupation
and there is a struggle against the occupation. There are
demonstrators and there is an army that has received orders to shed
their blood. And don't come to me with the story of the rifles. Your
glorious war record qualifies you to understand what even CNN
reporters understand, that those rifles do not endanger either
Israel or the soldiers if they don't get too close. They don't even
endanger the occupation, since the means of control that have been
developed under the guise of the peace process permit Israel to fully
control the Occupied Territories "without the Supreme Court and with
B'tselem," but also without a massive military presence.
"Bloodletting" was part of the contingency plans that the army
prepared in the event that the Palestinians declare independence
unilaterally, long before Sharon's provocation, and every child
can see that the IDF was prepared in advance to spill blood. Your
confusion, my dear friend, is artificial, because if it wasn't for
the shame of all that is being done in our name and according to the
orders of the prime minister you support, you would not have any
problem seeing who is the victim in need of support and who is worthy
of condemnation.
As for you, my friend from Peace Now, you're not even confused. You
boil with anger at the Palestinians because they spoiled your
celebrations and refuse to let you continue living the illusion that
the occupation is concluding and that peace rules the land. Peace is
a tango that takes two equal partners dancing in unity; it is not a
dance of one who drags around his partner at will. And what do you
say? "If that's the way it is, they are not partners." This time
you're right. In your dance of peace you have no partners, only
enemies. For your peace is his occupation; for your success
is his loss; for your reconciliation is a closing of the door on
reconciliation with the Palestinians.
"We have signed a cease-fire agreement, and it is good that we
signed. But peace is still far away, because peace demands honesty,
because peace demands equality. You want to force them to lie, you
want of them a peace of surrender, you are celebrating a peace of
master and slave. Under such conditions there will perhaps be peace-
and-quiet, but Peace, no. Not until you open your eyes and your
heart. Not until we are ready for a peace of partnership and
equality."
This is what I wrote you seven years ago exactly. You preferred to
block your ears and close your eyes. I am sorry, I really am, that
only through bursts of gunfire at Psagot and the exploding of
missiles near Netzarim were they opened once more. I hope that your
heart and your mind will open quickly as well, before buses explode
in our cities. The choice has not changed: either genuine peace
without dealing and deception, a peace of mutual respect, or a
descent to a religious war in which there will be only losers.
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